Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2008 witii funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation littp://www.arcliive.org/details/evolutionofdragoOOsmituoft THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON Published for the John Rylands Library at THE UNIVERSITY PRESS (H. M. McKechnie, Secretary) 12 Lime Grove, Oxford Road, MANCHESTER LONGMANS, GREEN & COMPANY London ; 39 Paternoster Row New York : 443-449 Fourth Avenue, and Thirtieth Street Chicago : Prairie Avenue and Twenty-fifth Street Bombay : Hornby Road Calcutta : 6 Old Court House Street Madras : 167 Mount Road THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON G. ELLIOT SMITH, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. PROFESSOR OF ANATOMY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER Manchester: AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONGMANS, GREEN & COMPANY London, New York, Chicago, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras 1919 St. Mic!ij>,ers Col].-c^ DKrav PREFACE. SOME explanation is due to the reader of the form and scope of these elaborations of the lectures which 1 have given at the John Rylands Library during the last three winters. They deal with a wide range of topics, and the thread which binds them more or less intimately into one connected story is only imperfectly expressed in the title " The Evolution of the Dragon". The book has been written in rare moments of leisure snatched from a variety of arduous war-time occupations ; and it reveals only too plainly the traces of this disjointed process of composition. On 23 Februaiy, 1915, I presented to the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society an essay on the spread of certain customs and beliefs in ancient times under the title " On the Significance of the Geographical Distribution of the Practice of Mummification," and in my Rylands Lecture two weeks later I summed up the general con- clusions.^ In view of the lively controversies that followed the publica- tion of the former of these addresses, I devoted my next Rylands Lecture (9 February, 1916) to the discussion of " TTie Relationship of the Egyptian Practice of Mummification to the Development of Ci\ilization ". In preparing this address for publication in the Bulletin some months later so much stress was laid upon the problems of " Incense and Libations " that I adopted this more concise title for the elaboration of the lecture which forms the first chapter of this book. This will explain why so many matters are discussed in that chapter which have little or no connexion either with " Incense and Libations" or with "The Evolution of the Dragon". The study of the development of the belief in water's life-giving ^ " The Influence of Ancient Egyptian Civilisation in the East and in America," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, January- March, 1916. vi PREFACE attributes, and their personification in the gods Osiris, Ea, Soma [Haoma] and Varuna, prepared the way for the elucidation of the history of " Dragons and Rain Gods" in my next lecture (Chapter II). What played a large part in directing my thoughts dragon-wards was the discussion of certain representations of the Indian Elephant upon Precolumbian monuments in, and manuscripts from, Central America {Nature, 25 Nov., 1915; 16 Dec, 1915; and 27 Jan., 1916). For in the course of investigating the meaning of these remarkable de- signs I discovered that the Elephant-headed rain-god of America had attributes identical with those of the Indian Indra (and of Varuna and \ Soma) and the Chinese dragon. The investigation of these identities I established the fact that the American rain-god was transmitted across Ithe Pacific from India via Cambodia. The intensive study of dragons impressed upon me the importance of the part played by the Great Mother, especially in her Babylonian avata7' as Tiamat, in the evolution of the famous wonder- beast. Under the stimulus of Dr. Rendel Harris's Ry lands Lecture on "The Cult of Aphrodite," I therefore devoted my next address (14 November, 1917) to the " Birth of Aphrodite" and a general discussion of the problems of Olympian obstetrics. Each of these addresses was delivered as an informal demonstration of large series of lantern projections ; and, as Mr. Guppy insisted upon the publication of the lectures in the Bulletin, it became necessary, as a rule, many months after the delivery of each address, to rearrange my material and put into the form of a wiitten narrative the story which had previously been told mainly by pictures and verbal comments upon them. In making these elaborations additional facts were added and new points of view emerged, so that the printed statements bear little re- semblance to the lectures of which they pretend to be reports. Such transformations are inevitable when one attempts to make a written re- port of what was essentially an ocular demonstration, unless every one of the numerous pictures is reproduced. Each of the first two lectures was printed before the succeeding lecture was set up in type. For these reasons there is a good deal of PREFACE vi repetition, and in successive lectures a wider interpretation of evidence mentioned in the preceding addresses. Had it been possible to revise the whole book at one time, and if the pressure of other duties had permitted me to devote more time to the work, these blemishes might have been eliminated and a coherent story made out of what is little more than a collection of data and tags of comment. No one is more conscious than the writer of the inadequacy of this method of present- ing an argument of such inherent complexity as the dragon story : but my obligation to the Rylands Library gave me no option in the matter : I had to attempt the difficult task in spite of all the unpropitious circum- stances. This book must be regarded, then, not as a coherent argu- ment, but merely as some of the raw material for the study of the dragon's histoiy. In my lecture (13 November, 1918) on "The Meaning of Myths," which will be published in the Bulletin of the fohn Rylands Library, I have expounded the general conclusions that emerge from the studies embodied in these three lectures ; and in my forthcoming book, " The Story of the Flood," I have submitted the whole mass of evidence to examination in detail, and attempted to ex- tract from it the real story of mankind's age-long search for the elixii of life. In the earliest records from Egypt and Babylonia it is customary to portray a king's beneficence by representing him initiating irrigation works. In course of time he came to be regarded, not merely as the giver of the water which made the desert fertile, but as himself the personification and the giver of the vital powers of water. The fertility of the land and the welfare of the people thus came to be regarded as dependent upon the king's vitality. Hence it was not illogical to kill him when his virility showed signs of failing and so imperilled the country's prosperity. But when the view developed that the dead king acquired a new grant of vitality in the other world he became the god Osiris, who was able to confer even greater boons of life-giving to the land and people than was the case before. He was the Nile, and he fertilized the land. The original dragon was a beneficent creature, the personification of water, and was identified with kings and 2ods. vm PREFACE But the enemy of Osiris became an evil dragon, and was identified with Set. The dragon-myth, however, did not really begin to develop until an ageing king refused to be slain, and called upon the Great Mother, as the giver of life, to rejuvenate him. Her only elixir was human blood ; and to obtain it she was compelled to make a human sacrifice. Her murderous act led to her being compared with and ultimately identified with a man-slaying lioness or a cobra. The story of the slaying of the dragon is a much distorted rumour of this incident ; and in the process of elaboration the incidents were subjected to every kind of interpretation and also confusion with the legendaiy account of the conflict between Horus and Set. When a substitute was obtained to replace the blood the slaying of a human victim was no longer logically necessary : but an explanation had to be found for the persistence of this incident in the story. Man- kind (no longer a mere individual human sacrifice) had become sinful and rebellious (the act of rebellion being complaints that the king or god was growing old) and had to be destroyed as a punishment for this treason. The Great Mother continued to act as the avenger of the king or god. But the enemies of the god were also punished by Horus in the legend of Horus and Set. The two stories hence be- came confused the one with the other. The king Horus took the place of the Great Mother as the avenger of the gods. As she was identified with the moon, he became the Sun-god, and assumed many of the Great Mother's attributes, and also became her son. In the further development of the myth, when the Sun-god had completely usurped his mother's place, the infamy of her deeds of destruction seems to have led to her being confused with the rebellious men who were now called the followers of Set, Horus's enemy. Thus an evil dragon emerged from this blend of the attributes of the Great Mother and Set. This is the Babylonian Tiamat. From the amazingly com- plex jumble of this tissue of confusion all the incidents of the dragon- myth were derived. When attributes of the Water-god or his enemy became assimil- ated with those of the Great Mother and the Warrior Sun-god, the PREFACE IX animals with which these deities were identified came to be regarded individually and collectively as concrete expressions of the Water-god's powers. Thus the cow and the gazelle, the falcon and the eagle, the lion and the serpent, the fish and the crocodile became symbols of the life-giving and the life-destroying powers of water, and composite monsters or dragons were invented by combining parts of these various creatures to express the different manifestations of the vital powers of water. The process of elaboration of the attributes of these monsters led to the development of an amazmgly complex myth : but the story became still furthei involved when the dragon's life-controlling powers became confused with man's vital spirit and identified with the good or evil genius which was regarded as the guest, welcome or unwelcome, of every individual's body, and the arbiter of his destiny. In my remarks on the ka and ihe/ravaski I have merely hinted at the vast complexity of these elements of confusion. Had I been familiar with [Archbishop] Sbderblom's important monograph,^ when I was writing Chapters I and HI, I might have at- tempted to indicate how vital a part the confusion of the individual genius with the mythical wonder-beast has played in the history of the myths relating to the latter. For the identification of the dragon wdth the vital spirit of the individual explains why the stories of the former appealed to the selfish interest of every human being. At the time the lecture on " Incense and Libations " was written, I had no idea that the problems of the ka and ^g fi'avaski had any connexion with those relating to the dragon. But in the third chapter a quota- lion from Professor Langdon's account of " A Ritual of Atonement for a Babylonian King " indicates that the Babylonian equivalent of the ka and the fravashi., "my god who walks at my side," presents many points of affinity to a dragon. When in the lecture on "Incense and Libations" I ventured to make the daring suggestion that the ideas underlying the Egyptian con- ception of the ka were substantially identical v^th those entertained by ^ Nathan Soderblom, " Las Fravashis Etude sur les Traces dans le Mazdeisme dune Ancienne Conception sur la Sur^ivance des Morts," Paris, 1899. X PREFACE the Iranians in reference to \}[\efravaski, I was not aware of the fact that such a comparison had already been made. In [Archbishop] Soderblom's monograph, which contains a wealth of information in corroboration of the views set forth in Chapter I, the following state- ment occurs : " L analyse, faite par M. Brede-Kristensen {^Aigyptetnes forestillingei' oin livet efte7' doden, 1 4 ss. Kristiania, 1 896) du ka egyptien, jette une vive lumiere sur notre question, par la frappante analogic qui semble exister entre le sens originaire de ces deux termes ka et fravaski" (p. 58, note 4). " La similitude entre le ka et la fravashi a ete signalee deja par Nestor Lhote, Lettres ^crites d Egypte, note, selon Maspero, Etudes de 7nythologie et darch^o- logie ^oyptiennes, I, 47, note 3." In support of the view, which I have submitted in Chapter I, that the original idea of ^efravaskt, like that of the ka, was suggested by the placenta and the foetal membranes, I might refer to the specific statement (Farvardin-Yasht, XXIII, 1) that " les fravashis tiennent en ordre I'enfant dans le sein de sa mere et I'enveloppent de sorte qu'il ne meurt pas " {op. cit., Soderblom, p. 41, note 1 ). The fravashi "nourishes and protects" (p. 57): it is "the nurse" (p. 58): it is always feminine (p. 58). It is in fact the placenta, and is also as- sociated with the functions of the Great Mother. " Nous voyons dans fravashi une personification de la force vitale, conservee et exercee aussi apres la mort. La fravashi est le principe de vie, la faculte qu'a I'homme de se soutenir par la nourriture, de manger, d'absorber et ainsi d'exister et de se developper. Cette etymologie et le role attribute a la fravashi dans le developpement de Tembryon, des animaux, des plantes rappellent en quelque sorte, comme le remarque M. Foucher, I'idee directrice de Claude Bernard. Seulement la fravashi n'a jamais ete une abstraction. La fravashi est une puissance vivante, un homitncnhis in homine, un etre personnifie comme du reste toutes les sources de vie et de mouvement que I'homme non civilise apergoit dans son organisme. II ne faut pas non plus considerer la fravashi comme un double de Ihomme, elle en est plutot une partie, un bote intime qui con- tinue son existence apres la mort aux memes conditions qu'avant, et PREFACE X qui oblige les vivants a lui fournir les aliments necessaires" {pp. cit., p. 59). Thus the fi'avasJii has the same remarkable associations with nourishment and placental functions as the ka. As a further suggestion of its connexion with the Great Mother as the inaugurator of the year, and in virtue of her physiological (uterine) functions the moon-controlled measurer of the month, it is important to note that " Le 19^ jour de chaque mois est egalement consecre aux fravashis en general. Le premier mois porte aussi le nom de Farvardin. Quant aux formes des fetes mensuelles, elles semblent conformes a celles que nous allons rappeler [les fetes celebrees en I'honneur des mortes] " {pp. cit., p. 1 0). But the f^'avasJii was not only associated with the Great Mother, but also with the Water-god or Good Dragon, for it controlled the waters of irrigation and gave fertility to the soil {pp. cit. , p. 36). The fravashi was also identified with the third member of the primitive Trinity, the Warrior Sun-god, not merely in the general sense as the adversary of the powers of evil, but also in the more definite form of the Winged Disk {pp. cit., pp. 67 and 68). In all these respects the fravashi is brought into close association with the dragon, so that in addition to being " the divine and immortal element " {op. cit., p. 51), it became the genius or spirit that possesses a man and shapes his conduct and regulates his behaviour. It was in fact the expression of a crude attempt on the part of the early psycho- logists of Iran to explain the working of the instinct of self-preservation. In the text of Chapters I and III I have referred to the Greek, Babylonian, Chinese, and Melanesian variants of essentially the same conception. Soderblom refers to an interesting parallel among the Karens, whose kelah corresponds to the Iranian fravashi (p. 54, Note 2: compare also A. E. Crawley, "The Idea of the Soul," 1909). In the development of the dragon-myth astronomical factors played a very obtrusive part : but I have deliberately refrained from entering into a detailed discussion of them, because they were not primarily the real causal agents in the origin of the myth. When the conception of a sky-world or a heaven became drawn into the dragon story it came xu PREFACE to play so prominent a part as to convince most writers that the myth was primarily and essentially astronomical. But it is clear that origin- ally the myth was concerned solely with the regulation of irrigation systems and the search upon earth for an elixir of Hfe. When I put forward the suggestion that the annual inundation of the Nile provided the information for the first measurement of the year, I was not aware of the fact that Sir Norman Lockyer (" The Dawn of Astronomy," 1 894, p. 209), had already made the same claim and substantiated it by much fuller evidence than I have brought together here. In preparing these lectures I have received help from so large a number of correspondents that it is difficult to enumerate all of them. But I am under a special debt of gratitude to Dr. Alan Gardiner for calling my attention to the fact that the common rendering of the Egyptian word didi as "mandrake" was unjustifiable, and to Mr. F. LI. Griffith for explaining its true meaning and for lending me the literature relating to this matter. Miss Winifred M. Crompton, the Assistant Keeper of the Egyptian Department in the Manchester Museum, gave me very material assistance by bringing to my attention some very important literature which otherwise would have been over- looked ; and both she and Miss Dorothy Davison helped me with the drawings that illustrate this volume. Mr. Wilfrid Jackson gave me much of the information concerning shells and cephalopods which forms such an essential part of the argument, and he also collected a good deal of the literature which I have made use of. Dr. A. C. Haddon, F.R.S., of Cambridge, lent me a number of books and journals which I was unable to obtain in Manchester ; and Mr. Donald A. Mac- kenzie, of Edinburgh, has poured in upon me a stream of information, especially upon the folklore of Scotland and India. Nor must I forget to acknowledge the invaluable help and forbearance of Mr. Henry Guppy, of the John Rylands Library, and Mr. Charles W. E. Leigh, of the University Library. To all of these and to the still larger number of correspondents who have helped me I offer my most grate- ful thanks. During the three years in which these lectures wa'e compiled I PREFACE XUl have been associated with Dr. W. H, R. Rivers, F.R.S., and Mr. T. H. Pear in their psychological work in the military hospitals, and the influence of this interesting experience is manifest upon every page of this volume. But perhaps the most potent factor of all in shaping my views and directing my train of thought has been the stimulating influence of Mr. W. J. Perry's researches, which are converting ethnology into a real science and shedding a brilliant light upon the early history of civiliza- tion. G. ELLIOT SMITH. 9 December, 191 8. CONTENTS. CHAPTER 1. PACE INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 1 CHAPTER II. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 76 CHAPTER III. THE BIRTH OF APHRODITE 140 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. FACIKG PACK Fig. 1. — The conventional Egyptian representation of the burning of incense and the pouring of libations - Fig. 2. — Water-colour sketch by Mrs. Cecil Firth, representing a restoration of the early mummy found at .MedCim by Professor Flinders Petrie, now in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London .... 16 Fig. 3. — A mould taken from a life-mask found in the Pyramid of Teta by Mr. Quibell 17 Fig. 4.— Portrait statue of an Egyptian lady of the Pyramid Age .... 18 Fig. 5.— Statue of an Egyptian noble of the Pyramid Age to show the technical skill in the representation of life-like eyes 52 Fig. 6.— Representation of the ancient Mexican worship of the Sun ... 70 Fig. 7. — A medizeval picture of a Chinese Dragon upon its cloud (after the late Professor \V. Anderson) 80 Fig. 8.— A Chinese Dragon (after dc Groot) 80 Fig. 9. — Dragon from the Ishtar Gate of Babylon 81 Fig. 10.— Babylonian Weather God 81 Fig. 11.— Reproduction of a picture in the .Maya Codex Troano representing the Rain-god Chac treading upon the Serpent's head, which is interposed between the earth and the rain the god is pouring out of a bowl. .\ Rain-goddess stands upon the Serpent's tail 84 Fig. 12. — Another representation of the elephant-headed Rain-god. He is hold- ing thunderbolts, conventionalized in a hand-like form. The serpent is converted into a sac, holding up the rain-waters 84 Fig. 13.— A page (the 36th) of the Dresden .Maya Codex 86 Fig. 14. — A. The so-called "sea-goat" of Babylonia, a creature compounded of the antelope and fish of Ea. — B. The " sea-goat " as the vehicle of Ea or Marduk. — C to K — a series of varieties of the makara from the Buddhist Rails at Buddha Gaya and .Mathura, circa 70 B.C.— 70 a.d., after Cunningham ("Archaeological Survey of India," Vol. Ill, 1873, Plates IX and XXIX).— L. The makara as the vehicle of Varuna, after Sir George Birdwood. It is not difficult to understand how, in the course of the easterly diffusion of culture, such a picture should develop into the Chinese Dragon or the American elephant-headed gOi^I ............ 88 Fig. 15. — Photograph of a Chinese embroidery in the Manchester School of Art representing the Dragon and the Pearl- -Moon Symbol 98 h 3£vii xviii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGB Fig. Iti.— The God of Thunder (from a Chinese drawing (? 17th Century) in the John Ryiands Library) 136 pjg_ 17. From Joannes de Turrecremata's " Meditationes seu Contemplationcs ". Rome: UlricJi Han, H67 137 Fio. 18. (a) The Archaic Egyptian slate palette of Narmer showing, perhaps, the earliest design of Hathor (at the upper corners of the palette) as a woman with cow's horns and ears (compare Flinders Petrie " The Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty," Part I, 1900, Plate XXVII, Fig.i71). The pharaoh is wearing a belt from which are suspended four cow-headed Hathor figures in place of the cowry-amulets of more primitive peoples. This affords corrobora- tion of the view that Hathor assumed the functions originally attributed to the cowry-shell, {b) The king's sporran, where Hathor-heads (H) take the place of the cowries of the primitive girdle 150 Fig. 19. — ^The front of Stela B (famous for the realistic representations of the Indian elephant at its upper corners), one of the ancient Maya monuments at Copan, Central America (after Maudslay's photograph and diagram). The girdle of the chief figure is decorated both with shells (Oliva or Conns) and amulets representing human faces corresponding to the Hathor-heads on the Narmer palette (Fig. 18) 151 Fig. 20. — Diagrams illustrating the form of cowry-belts worn in (a) East Africa and (b) Oceania respectively. (c) Ancient Indian girdle (from the figure of Siriraa Devata on the Bharat Tope), consisting of strings of pearls and pre- cious stones, and what seem to be (fourth row from the top) models of cowries, (d) The Copan girdle (from Fig. 19) in which both shells and heads of deities are represented. The two objects suspended from the belt between the heads recall Hathor's sistra 153 Fig. 21. — (a) A slate triad found by Professor G. A. Reisner in the temple of the Third Pyramid at Giza, It shows the Pharaoh Mycerinus supported on his right side by the goddess Hathor, represented as a woman with the moon and the cow's horns upon her head, and on the left side by a nome goddess, bear- ing upon her head the jackal-symbol of her nome. (b) The Ecuador Aphro- dite. Bas-relief from Cerro-Jaboncillo (after Saville, "Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador," Preliminary Report, 1907, Plate XXXVIII). A grotesque com- posite monster intended to represent a woman (compare Saville's Plates XXXV, XXXVl, and XXXIX), whose head is a conventionalized Octopus, whose body is a Loligo, and whose limbs are human 164 Fig. 22. — (a) Sepia officinalis, after Tvyon, "Cephalopoda", (b) Loligo vulgaris, after Tryon. (r) The position usually adopted by the resting Octopus, after Tryon 168 Fig. 23. — A series of Mycenaean conventionalizations of the Argonaut and the Octopus (after Tiimpel), which provided the basis for Houssay's theory of the origin of the triskele (a, c, and d) and swastika {b and e), and Siret's theory to explain the design of Bes's face (/ and g-) 172 Fig. 24.— (a) and (b) Two Mycenaean pots (after Schliemann). (a) The so-called "owl-shaped" vase is really a representation of the Mother-Pot in the form of a conventionalized Octopus (Houssay). (b) The other vase represents the Octopus Mother-Pot, with a jar upon her head and another in her hands— a three-fold representation of the Great Mother as a pot. (c) A Cretan vase from Gournia in which the Octopus-motive is represented as a decoration LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xix PACING PAG8 upon the pot instead of in its form. (. cit. supra. 16 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON was naturally attempted to make this simulacrum of the body itsell if it were possible, or alternatively, when this ideal was found to be unattainable, from its wrappings or by means of a portrait statue. It was soon recognized that it was beyond the powers of the early em- balmer to succeed in mummifying the body itself so as to retain a recognizable likeness to the man when alive : although from time to time such attempts were repeatedly made,^ until the period of the XXI Dynasty, when the operator clearly was convinced that be had at last achieved what his predecessors, for perhaps twenty-five centuries, had been trying in vain to do. Early Mummies. In the earliest known (Second Dynasty) examples of Egyptian attempts at mummification ' the corpse was swathed in a large series of bandages, which were moulded into shape to represent the form of the body. In a later (probably Fifth Dynasty) mummy, found in 1 892 by Professor Flinders Petrie at MedGm, the superficial bandages had been impregnated wdth a resinous paste, which while still plastic was moulded into the form of the body, special care being bestowed upon the modelling of the face ^ and the organs of reproduction, so as to leave no room for doubt as to the identity and the sex. Professor Junker has described * an interesting series of variations of these practices. In two graves the bodies were covered with a layer of stucco plaster. First the corpse was covered vsdth a fine linen cloth : then the plaster was put on, and modelled into the form of the body (p. 252). But in two other cases it was not the whole body that was ^ See my volume on " The Royal Mummies," General Catalogue of the Cairo Museum. ^ G. Elliot Smith, " The ELarliest Evidence of Attempts at Mummifica- tion in Egypt," ^^/^^/ British Association, 1912, p. 612: compare also J. Garstang, " Burial Customs of Ancient Egypt," London, 1907, pp. 29 and 30. Professor Garstang did not recognize that mummification had been attempted. ^ G. Elliot Smith, " The History of Mummification in Egypt," Proc. Royal Philosophical Society of Glasgow, 1910 : also " Egyptian Mummies," Journal of Egyptian Archeology, Vol. I, Part III, July, 1914, Plate. XXXI. ^ " Excavations of the Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences at the Pyramids of Gizah, \9\ A," Journal of Egyptian Archceology, Vol. I, Oct. 1914. p. 250. = 2 o S ^►- Fig. 3. — A mould taken from a life-mask found in the Pyramid of Teta BY Mr. Quibell INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 17 covered with this layer of stucco, but only the head. Professor Junker claims that this was done *' apparently because the head was regarded as the most important part, as the organs of taste, sight, smell, and hearing were contained in it ". But surely there was the additional and more obtrusive reason that the face affords the means of identifying the individual ! For this modelling of the features was intended primarily as a restoration of the form of the body which had been altered, if not actually destroyed. In other cases, where no attempt was made to restore the features in such durable materials as resin or stucco, the linen-enveloped head was modelled, and a representation of the eyes painted upon it so as to enhance the life-like appearance of the face. These facts prove quite conclusively that the earliest attempts to reproduce the features of the deceased and so preserve his likeness, were made upon the wrapped mummy itself. Thus the mummy was intended to be the portrait as well as the actual bodily remains of the dead. In view of certain differences of opinion as to the original sig- nificance of the funerary ritual, which I shall have occasion to discuss later on (see p. 20), it is important to keep these facts clearly in mind. A discovery made by Mr. J. E. Quibell in the course of his ex- cavations at Sakkara ^ suggests that, as an outcome of these practices a new procedure may have been devised in the Pyramid Age — the making of a death-mask. For he discovered what may be the mask taken directly from the face of the Pharaoh Teta (Fig. 3). About this time also the practice originated of making a life-size portrait statue of the dead man's head and placing it along with the actual body in the burial chamber. These "reserve heads," as they have been called, were usually made of fine limestone, but Junker found one made of Nile mud." Junker believes that there was an intimate relationship between the plaster-covered heads and the reserve-heads. They were both expressions of the same idea, to preserve a simulacrum of the deceased when his actual body had lost all recognizable likeness to him as he ^"Excavations at Saqqara," 1907-8, p. 113. ' The great variety of experiments that were being made at the be- ginning of the Pyramid Age bears ample testimony to the fact that the original inventors of these devices w^ere actually at work in Lower Egypt at that time. 18 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON was when alive. The one method aimed at combining in the same object the actual body and the likeness ; the other at making a more life-like portrait apart from the corpse, which could take the place of the latter when it decayed. Junker states further that "it is no chance that the substitute- heads . . . entirely, or at any rate chiefly, are found in the tombs that have no statue-chamber and probably possessed no statues. The statues [of the whole body] certainly were made, at any rate partly, with the intention that they should take the place of the decaying body, although later the idea was modified. The placing of the substitute-head in [the burial chamber of] the mastaba therefore be- came unnecessary at the moment when the complete figure of the dead [placed in a special hidden chamber, now commonly called the ser- dab\ was introduced." The ancient Egyptians themselves called the serdab \}[\e pr-twt or " statue-house," and the group of chambers, forming the tomb-chapel in the mastaba, was known to them as the " /^^-house' / It is important to remember that, even when the custom of making a statue of the deceased became fully established, the original idea of restoring the form of the mummy itself or its wrappings was never aban- doned. The attempts made in the XVIIl, and XXI and XXII Dynasties to pack the body of the mummy itself and by artificial means give it a life-like appearance afford evidence of this. In the New Empire and in Roman times the wrapped mummy was sometimes modelled into the form of a statue. But throughout Egyptian history it was a not uncommon practice to provide a painted mask for the wrapped mummy, or in early Christian times simply a portrait of the deceased. With this custom there also persisted a remembrance of its ori- ginal significance. Professor Garstang records the fact that in the XII Dynasty,'^ when a painted mask was placed upon the wrapped mummy, no statue or statuette was found in the tomb. The under- ^ Aylward M. Blackman, " The A'<^-House and the Serdab," Journal of Egyptian ArchfBology, Vol. Ill, Part IV, Oct., 1916, p. 250. The word serdab is merely the Arabic word used by the native workmen, which has been adopted and converted into a technical term by European archae- ologists. - Op. cit. p. 171. Fig. 4. — Portrait Statue of an Egyptian Lady of the Pyramid Age INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 19 takers apparently realized that the mummy ' which was provided with the life-like mask was therefore fulfilling the purposes for which statues were devised. So also in the New Empire the packing and model- ling of the actual mummy so as to restore its life-like appearance were regarded as obviating the need for a statue. I must now return to the further consideration of the Old Kingdom statues. All these varied experiments were inspired by the same desire, to preserve the likeness of the deceased. But when the sculptors attained their object, and created those marvellous life-like portraits, which must ever remain marvels of technical skill and artistic feeling (Fig. 4), the old ideas that surged through the minds of the P;e-dynastic Egyptians, as they contemplated the desiccated remains of the dead, were strongly reinforced. The earlier people's thoughts were turned more specifically than heretofore to the contemplation of the nature of life and death by seeing the bodies of their dead pre- served whole and incorruptible ; and, if their actions can be regarded as an expression of their ideas, they began to wonder what was lacking in these physically complete bodies to prevent them from feeling and acting like living beings. Such must have been the results of their puzzled contemplation of the great problems of life and death. Otherwise the impulse to make more certain the preservation of the body by the invention of mummification and to retain a life-like representation of the deceased by means of a sculptured statue re- mains inexplicable. But when the corpse had been rendered incor- ruptible and the deceased's portrait had been fashioned with realistic perfection the old ideas would recur with renewed strength. The belief then took more definite shape that if the missing elements of vitality could be restored to the statue, it might become animated and the dead man would live again in his vitalized statue. This prompted a more intense and searching investigation of the problems concerning the nature of the elements of vitality of which the corpse was deprived at the time of death. Out of these inquiries in course of time a highly complex system of philosophy developed." Mt is a remarkable fact that Professor Garstang, who brought to light perhaps the best, and certainly the best-preserved, collection of Middle Kingdom mummies ever discovered, failed to recognize the fact that they had really been embalmed {o,'^. cit. p. 171). " The reader who wishes for fuller information as to the reality of these beliefs and how^ seriously ihey were held will find them still in active 20 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON But in the earlier times with which I am now concerned it found practical expression in certain ritual procedures, invented to convey to the statue the breath of life, the vitalising fluids, and the odour and sweat of the living body. The seat of knowledge and of feeling was believed to be retained in the body when the heart was left in situ: so that the only thing needed to awaken consciousness, and make it pos- sible for the dead man to take heed of his friends and to act volun- tarily, was to present offerings of blood to stimulate the physiological functions of the heart. But the element of vitality which left the body at death had to be restored to the statue, which represented the deceased in the /§^-house.^ In my earlier attempts " to interpret these problems, I adopted the view that the making of portrait statues was the direct outcome of the practice of mummification. But Dr. Alan Gardiner, whose intimate knowledge of the early literature enables him to look at such problems from the Egyptian's own point of view, has suggested a modification of this interpretation. Instead of regarding the custom of making statues as an outcome of the practice of mummification, he thinks that the two customs developed simultaneously, in response to the twofold desire to preserve both the actual body and a repre- sentation of the features of the dead. But I think this suggestion does not give adequate recognition to the fact that the earliest at- tempts at funerary portraiture were made upon the wrappings of the actual mummies.^ This fact and the evidence which I have already operation in China. An admirable account of Chinese philosophy will be found in De Groot's " Religious System of China," especially Vol. IV, Book II. It represents the fully developed (New Empire) system of Egyptian belief modified in various ways by Babylonian, Indian and Central Asiatic influences, as well as by accretions developed locally in China. ^ A. M. Blackman, " The Ka-Wow%& and the Serdab," The Journal of Egyptian Archceology, Vol. Ill, Part IV, Oct., 1916, p. 250. ^ " Migrations of Early Culture," p. 37. " Dr. Alan Gardiner (Da vies and Gardiner, " The Tomb of Amen- emhet," 1915, p. 83, footnote) has, 1 think, overlooked certain statements in my writings and underestimated the antiquity of the embalmer's art ; for he attributes to me the opinion that "mummification was a custom of rela- tively late growth ". The presence in China of the characteristically Egyptian beliefs con- cerning the animation of statues (de Groot, op. cit. pp. 339-356), whereas the practice of mummification, though not wholly absent, is not obtrusive, might perhaps be interpreted by some scholars as evidence in favour of the INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 21 quoted from Junker make it quite clear that from the beginning the \ embalmer's aim was to preserve the body and to convert the mummy itseif into a simulacrum of the deceased. When he realized that his technical skill was not adequate to enable him to accomplish this i double aim, he fell back upon the device of making a more perfect and realistic portrait statue apart from the mummy. But, as I have already pointed out, he never completely renounced his ambition of transforming the mummy itself ; and in the time of the New Empire he actually attained the result which he had kept in view for nearly j twenty centuries. In these remarks I have been referring only to funerary portradt statues. Centuries before the attempt was made to fashion them modellers had been making of clay and stone representations of cattle and human beings, which have been found not only in Predynastic graves in Egypt but also in so-called " Upper Palaeolithic" deposits in Europe. But the fashioning of realistic and Ufe-size human portrait-statues for funerary purposes was a new art, which gradually developed in the way I have tried to depict. No doubt the modellers made use of the skill they had acquired in the practice of the older art of rough impressionism. Once the statue was made a stone-house (the serdaU) was pro- I vided for it above ground. ' As the dolmen is a crude copy of the se7'dab - it can be claimed as one of the ultimate results of the practice development of the custom of making statues independently of mummifica- tion. But such an inference is untenable. Not only is it the fact that in most parts o\ the world the practices of making statues and mummifying the dead are found in association the one with the other, but also in China the essential beliefs concerning the dead are based upon the supposition that the body is fully preserved {sec de Groot, chap. XV.). It is quite evident that the Chinese customs have been derived directly or indirectly from some people who mummified their dead as a regular practice. There can be no doubt that the ultimate source of their inspiration to do these things was Egypt. I need mention only one of many Identical peculiarities that makes this quite certain. De Groot says it is " strange to see Chinese fancy depict the souls of the viscera as distinct individuals with animal forms" (p. 71). The same custom prevailed in Egypt, where the "souls" or protective deities were first given animal forms in the Nineteenth Dynasty (Reisner). ' The Arabic word conveys the idea of being "hidden underground,' because the house is exposed by excavation. - Oh. cit. supra, Ridgeway Essays ; also Man, 1913, p. 193. 22 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON of mummification. It is clear that the conception of the possibility of a life beyond the grave assumed a more concrete form when it was realized that the body itself could be rendered incorruptible and its distinctive traits could be kept alive by means of a portrait statue. There are reasons for supposing that primitive man did not realize or contemplate the possibility of his own existence coming to an end.^ Even when he witnessed the death of his fellows he does not appear to have appreciated the fact that it was really the end of life and not merely a kind of sleep from which the dead might awake. But if the corpse were destroyed or underwent a process of natural dis- integration the fact was brought home to him that death had occurred. If these considerations, which early Egyptian literature seems to suggest, be borne in mind, the view that the preservation of the body from corruption implied a continuation of existence becomes intelligible. At first the subterranean chambers in which the actual body was housed were developed into a many-roomed house for the deceased, complete in every detail." But when the statue took over the function of representing the deceased, a dwelling was provided for it above ground. This developed into the temple where the relatives and friends of the dead came and made the offerings of food which were regarded as essential for the maintenance of existence. The evolution of the temple was thus the direct outcome of the ideas that grew up in connexion with the preservation of the dead. For at first it was nothing more than the dwelling place of the re- animated dead. But when, for reasons which I shall explain later (see p. 30), the dead king became deified, his temple of offerings became the building where food and drink were presented to the god, not merely to maintain his existence, but also to restore his conscious- ness, and so afford an opportunity for his successor, the actual king, to consult him and obtain his advice and help. The presentation of offerings and the ritual procedures for animating and restoring con- sciousness to the dead king were at first directed solely to these ends. But in course of time, as their original purpose became obscured, these services in the temple altered in character, and their meaning became ^ See Alan H. Gardiner, "Life and Death (Egyptian)," Hastings' Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. ^ See the quotation from Mr. Quibell's account in my statement in the Report of the British Association for 1914, p. 215. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 23 rationalized into acts of homage and worship, and of prayer and supplication, and in much later times, acquired an ethical and moral significance that was wholly absent from the original conception of the temple services. The earliest idea of the temple as a place of offering has not been lost sight of. Even in our times the offertory still finds a place in temple services. The Significance of Libations. .. The central idea of this lecture was suggested by Mr. Aylward M. Blackman's important discovery of the actual meaning of incense and libations to the Egyptians themselves.^ The earliest body of literature preserved from any of the peoples of antiquity is comprised in the texts inscribed in the subterranean chambers of the Sakkara Pyramids of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties. These documents, written forty-five centuries ago, were first brought to light in modern times in 1880-81 ; and since the late Sir Gaston Maspero published the first translation of them, many scholars have helped in the task of elucidat- ing their meaning. But it remained for Blackman to discover the ex- planation they give of the origin and significance of the act of pouring out libations. " The general meaning of these passages is quite clear. The corpse of the deceased is dry and shrivelled. To revivify it the vital fluids that have exuded from it [in the process of mummification] must be restored, for not till then will life return and the heart beat again. This, so the texts show us, was believed to be accomplished by offering libations to the accompaniment of incantations ' {pp. at. p. 70). In the first three passages quoted by Blackman from the Pyramid Texts " the libations are said to be the actual fluids that have issued from the corpse". In the next four quotations "a different notion is introduced. It is not the deceased's own exudations that are to revive his shrunken frame but those of a divine body, the [god's fluid] ^ that ^ " The Significance of Incense and Libations in Funerary and Temple Ritual," Zeitschriftfdr AgvptiscJie Spmche und Alterlmnskiinde, Bd, 50, 1912, p. 69. - Mr. Blackman here quotes the actual word in hieroglyphics and adds the translation "god's fluid" and the following explanation in a footnote: " The Nile was supposed to be the fluid which issued from Osiris. The expression in the Pyramid texts may refer to this belief — the dead " [in the Pyramid Age it would have been more accurate if he had said the dead 24 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON came from the corpse of Osiris himself, the juices that dissolved from his decaying flesh, which are communicated to the dead sacrament- wise under the form of these libations. This dragging-in of Osiris is especially significant. For the analogy of the life-giving pov/er of w^ater that is specially associated with Osiris played a dominant part in suggesting the ritual of libations. Just as water, when applied to the apparently dead seed, makes it germinate and come to life, so libations can reanimate the corpse. These general biological theories of the potency of water were current at the time, and, as I shall explain later (see p. 28), had possibly received specific application to man long before the idea of libations developed. For, in the development of the cult of Osiris ^ the general fertilizing power king, in whose Pyramid the inscriptions were found] " being usually identified with Osiris — since the water used in the libations was Nile water." ^ The voluminous literature relating to Osiris will be found summarized in the latest edition of " The Golden Bough " by Sir James Frazer. But in referring the reader to this remarkable compilation of evidence it is necessary to call particular attention to the fact that Sir James Frazer s interpretation is penneated with speculations based upon the modern ethnological dogma of independent evolution of similar customs and beliefs without cultural contact between the different localities where such similar- ities make their appearance. The complexities of the motives that inspire and direct human activities are entirely fatal to such speculations, as I have attempted to indicate (see above, p. 195). But apart from this general warning, there are other ob- jections to Sir James Frazer's theories. In his illuminating article upon Osiris and Horus, Dr. Alan Gardiner (in a criticism of Sir James Frazer's "The Golden Bough: Adonis, Attis, Osiris; Studies in the History of Oriental Religion," Journal of Egyptian Jirducology, Vol. II, 1915, p. 122) insists upon the crucial fact that Osiris was primarily a king, and that " it is always as a dead king," " the role of the living king being invari- ably played by Horus, his son and heir ". He states further: "What Egyptologists wish to know about Osiris beyond anything else is how and by what means he became associated with the processes of vegetable life ". An examination of the literature relating to Osiris and the large series of homologous deities in other countries (which exhibit prima facie evidence of a common origin) suggests the idea that the king who first introduced the practice of systematic irrigation there- by laid the foundation of his reputation as a beneficent reformer. When, for reasons which I shall discuss later on (see p. 220), the dead king be- came deified, his fame as the controller of water and the fertilization of the earth became apotheosized also. I venture to put forward this suggestion onlv because none of the alternative hypotheses that have been propounded INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 25 of water when applied to the soil found specific exemplification in the potency of the seminal fluid to fertilize human beings. Malinowski has pointed out that certain Papuan people, who are ignorant of the fact that women are fertilized by sexual connexion, believe that they can be rendered pregnant by rain falling upon them {pp. cit. infra). The study of folk-lore and early beliefs makes it abundantly clear that in the distant past which I am now discussing no clear distinction was made between fertilization and vitalization, between bringing new life into being and reanimating the body which had once been alive. The process of fertilization of the female and animating a corpse or a statue were regarded as belonging to the same category of biological processes. The sculptor who carved the portrait- statues for the Egyptian's tomb was called saiikk, "he who causes to live," and "the word 'to fashion' (w.t) a statue is to all appearances identical with ?ns, ' to give birth ' "/ Thus the Egyptians themselves expressed in words the ideas which an independent study of the ethnological evidence showed many other peoples to entertain, both in ancient and modern times." The interpretation of ancient texts and the study of the beliefs of less cultured modern peoples indicate that our expressions : "to give birth," "to give life," "to maintain life," "to ward off death," "to insure good luck," " to prolong life," " to give life to the dead," " to animate a corpse or a representation of the dead," " to give fertility, " to impregnate," "to create," represent a series of specializations of meaning which were not clearly differentiated the one from the other in early times or among relatively primitive modern people. seem to be in acccordance with, or to offer an adequate explanation of, the body of known facts concerning Osiris. It is a remarkable fact that in his lectures on " The Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt," which are based upon his own studies of the Pyramid Texts, and are an invaluable storehouse of informa- tion, Professor J. H. Breasted should have accepted Sir James Frazer's views. These seem to me to be altogether at variance with the renderings of the actual Egyptian texts and to confuse the exposition. ^ Dr. Alan Gardiner, quoted in my " Migrations of Early Culture," p. 42 : see also the same scholar's remarks in Davies and Gardiner, " The Tomb of Amenemhet," 1915, p. 57, and " A new Masterpiece of Egyptian Sculpture," The Journal of Egyptian Arclueologv, Vol. IV, Part I, Jan., 1917. "See J. Wilfrid Jackson, "Shells as Evidence of the Migrations of Early Culture," 1917, Manchester University Press. 26 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON The evidence brought together in Jackson's work clearly suggests that at a very early period in human history, long before the ideas that found expression in the Osiris story had materialized, men entertained in all its literal crudity the belief that the external organ of reproduc- tion from which the child emerged at birth was the actual creator of the child, not merely the giver of birth but also the source of life. The widespread tendency of the human mind to identify similar objects and attribute to them the powers of the things they mimic led primitive men to assign to the cowry-shell all these life-giving and birth-giving virtues. It became an amulet to give fertility, to assist at birth, to maintain life, to ward off danger, to ensure the life hereafter, to bring luck of any sort. Now, as the giver of birth, the cowry- shell also came to be identified with, or regarded as, the mother and creator of the human family ; and in course of time, as this belief became rationalized, the shell's maternity received visible expression and it became personified as an actual woman, the Great Mother, at first nameless and with ill-defined features. But at a later period, when the dead king Osiris gradually acquired his attributes of divinity, and a god emerged with the form of a man, the vagueness of the Great Mother who had been merely the personified cowry-shell soon disappeared and the amulet assumed, as Hathor, the form of a real woman, or, for reasons to be explained later, a cow. The influence of these developments reacted upon the nascent conception of the water-controlling god, Osiris ; and his powers of fertility were enlarged to include many of the life-giving attributes oi Hathor Early Biological Theories. Before the full significance of these procedures can be appreciated it is essential to try to get at the back of the Proto- Egyptian's mind and to understand his general trend of thought. I specially want to make it clear that the ritual use of water for animating the corpse or the statue was merely a specific application of the general principles of biology v/hich were then current, it was no mere childish make- believe or priestly subterfuge to regard the pouring out of water as a means of animating a block of stone. It was a conviction for which the Proto- Egyptians considered there was a substantial scientific basis ; and their faith in the efficacy of water to animate the dead is to be INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 27 regarded in the same light as any scientific inference which is made at the present time to give a specific application of some general theory considered to be well founded. The Proto- Egyptians clearly be- lieved in the validity of the general biological theory of the life-giving properties of water. Many facts, no doubt quite convincing to them, testified to the soundness of their theory. They accepted the principle with the same confidence that modern people have adopted Newton's Law of Gravitation, and Darwin's theory of the Origin of Species, and applied it to explain many phenomena or to justify certain procedures, which in the light of fuller knowledge seem to modern people puerile and ludicrous. But the early people obviously took these procedures seriously and regarded their actions as rational. The fact that their early biological theory was inadequate ought not to mislead modern scholars and encourage them to fall into the error of supposing that the ritual of libations was not based upon a serious inference. Modern scientists do not accept the whole of Darwin's teaching, or possibly even Newton's " Law," but this does not mean that in the past innumerable inferences have been honestly and con- fidently made in specific application of these general principles. It is important, then, that 1 should examine more closely the Proto- Egyptian body of doctrine to elucidate the mutual influence of it and the ideas suggested by the practice of mummification. It is not known where agriculture was first practised or the circumstances which led men to appreciate the fact that plants could be cultivated. In many parts of the world agriculture can be carried on without artificial irrigation, and even without any adequate appreciation on the part of the farmer of the importance of water. But when it came to be practised under such conditions as prevail in Egypt and Mesopo- tamia, the cultivator would soon be forced to realize that water was essential for the growth of plants, and that it was inoperative to devise artificial means by which the soil might be irrigated. It is not known where or by whom this cardinal fact first came to be appreciated, whether by the Sumerians or the Egyptians or by some other people. But it is known that in the earliest records both of Egypt and Sumer the most significant manifestations of a ruler's wisdom were the making of irrigation canals and the controlling of water. Important as these facts are from their bearing upon the material prospects of the people, they had an infinitely more profound and far-reaching effect upon the 28 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON beliefs of mankind. Groping after some explanation of the natural phenomenon that the earth became fertile when water was applied to it, and that seed burst into life under the same influence, the early biologist formulated the natural and not wholly illogical idea that water was the repository of life-giving powers. Water was equally necessary for the production of life and for the maintenance of life. At an early stage in the development of this biological theoiy man and other animals were brought within the scope of the ceneralization. For the drinking of water was a condition of existence in animals. The idea that water played a part in reproduction was co-related with this fact. Even at the present time many aboriginal peoples in Australia, New Guinea, and elsewhere, are not aware of the fact that in the process of animal reproduction the male exercises the physiological role of fertilization.^ There are widespread indications throughout the world that the appreciation of this elementary physiological knowledge was acquired at a relatively recent period in the history of mankind. It is difficult to believe that the fundamental facts of the physiology of fertilization in animals could long have remained unknown when men became breeders of cattle. The Egyptian hieroglyphs leave no doubt that the knowledge was fully appreciated at the period when the earliest picture- symbols were devised, for the verb " to beget " is represented by the male organs of generation. But, as the domestication of animals may have been earlier than the invention of agriculture, it is possible that the appreciation of the fertilizing powers of the male animal may have been definitely more ancient than the earliest bio- logical theory of the fertilizing power of water. I have discussed this question to suggest that the knowledge that animals could be fertilized by the seminal fluid was cer- tainly brought within the scope of the wider generalization that water itself was endowed with fertilizing properties. Just as water fertilized the earth, so the semen fertilized the female. Water was ^ Baldwin Spencer and Gillen, " The Northern Tribes of Central Australia " ; "Across Australia" ; and Spencer's " Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia ". For a very important study of the whole problem with special reference to New Guinea, see B, Malinowski, " Baloma : the Spirits of the Dead," etc.. Journal of the Royal Anthropo- logical Institute, 1916, p. 415. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 29 necessary for the maintenance of life in plants and was also essential in the form of drink for animals. As both the earth and women could be fertilized by water they were homologized one with the other. The earth came to be regarded as a woman, the Great Mother.' When the fertilizing water came to be personified in the person of Osiris his consort Isis was identified with the earth which was fertilized by water." One of the earliest pictures of an Egyptian king represents him using the hoe to inaugurate the making of an irrigation-canal."* This was the typical act of benevolence on the part of a wise ruler. It is not unlikely that the earliest organization of a community under a definite leader may have been due to the need for some systematized control of irrigation. In any case the earliest rulers of Egypt and Sumer were essentially the controllers and regulators of the water supply and as such the givers of fertility and prosperity. Once men first consciously formulated the belief that death was not the end of all things/ that the body could be re-animated and ' The idea of the earth's maternal function spread throughout the greater part of the world. - With reference to the assimilation of the conceptions of human fer- tilization and watering the soil and the widespread idea among the ancients of regarding the male as "he who irrigates," Canon van Hoonacker gave M. Louis Siret the following note: — " In Assyrian the cuneiform sign for water is also used, inter alia, to express the idea of begetting {banii). Compare with this the references from Hebrew and Arabic writings. In Isaiah xlviii. I , we read ' Hear ye this, O house of Jacob, which are called by the name of Israel, and are come forth out of the waters of Judah ' ; and in Numbers xxiv. 7, ' Water shall flow from his buckets and his seed shall be in many waters '. " The Hebrew verb (shangal) which denotes sexual intercourse has, in Arabic {sadjala), the meaning ' to spill water '. In the Koran, Sur. 36, V. 6, the word maun (water) is used to designate semen " (L. Siret, " Questions de Chronologic et d' Ethnographic Iberiques," Tome 1, 1913, p. 250). ^ Quibell, " Hieraconpolis, Vol, I, 260, 4. . v^^ ^ In using this phrase I want to make a clear distinction between the phase of culture in which it had never occurred to man that, in his indi- ^ " vidual case, life would come to an end, and the more enlightened stage, * . in which he fully realized that death would inevitably be his fate, but that in spite of it his real existence would continue. It is clear that at quite an early stage in his history man appreciated the fact that he could kill an animal or his fellow-man. But for a long time he failed to realize that he himself, if he could avoid the process of me- 30 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON consciousness and the will restored, it was natural that a wise ruler who, when alive, had rendered conspicuous services should after death continue to be consulted. The fame of such a man would grow with age ; his good deeds and his powers would become apotheosized ; he would become an oracle whose advice might be sought and whose help be obtained in grave crises. In other words the dead king would be " deified," or at any rate credited with the ability to confer even greater boons than he was able to do when alive. It is no mere coincidence that the first " god " should have been a dead king, Osiris, nor that he controlled the waters of irrigation and was specially interested in agriculture. Nor, for the reasons that I have already suggested, is it surprising that he should have had phallic attributes, and in himself have personified the virile powers of fer- tilization.' In attempting to explain the origin of the ritual procedures of burning incense and offering libations it is essential to realize that the creation of the first deities was not primarily an expression of religious belief, but rather an application of science to national affairs. It was the logical interpretation of the dominant scientific theory of the time for the practical benefit of the living ; or in other words, the means devised for securing the advice and the active help of wise rulers after their death. It was essentially a matter of practical politics and ap- plied science. It became " religion " only when the advancement of knowledge superseded these primitive scientific theories and left them as soothing traditions for the thoughts and aspirations of mankind to cherish. For by the time the adequacy of these theories of know- ledge began to be questioned they had made an insistent appeal, and had come to be regarded as an essential prop to lend support to man's conviction of the reality of a life beyond the grave, A web of moral precept and the allurement of hcpe had been so woven around them that no force was able to strip away this body of consolatory chanical destruction by which he could kill an animal or a fellow-man, would not continue to exist. The dead are supposed by many people to be stiil in existence so long as the body is preserved. Once the body begins to disintegrate even the most unimaginative of men can entirely repress the idea of death. But to primitive people the preservation of the body is equally a token that existence has not come to an end. The corpse is merely sleeping. ^ Breasted, op. cit. , p. 28. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 31 beliefs ; and they have persisted for all time, although the reasoning by which they were originally built up has been demolished and forgotten several millennia ago. It is not known where Osiris was born. In other countries there are homologous deities, such as Ea, Tammuz, Adonis, and Attis, which are certainly manifestations of the same idea and sprung from the same source. Certain recent writers assume that the germ of the Osiris-conception was introduced into Egypt from abroad. But if so, nothing is known for certain of its place of origin. In any case there can be no doubt that the distinctive features of Osiris, his real person- ality and character, were developed in Egypt. For reasons which i have suggested already it is probable that the significance of water m cultivation was not realized until cereals were cultivated in some such place as Babylonia or Egypt. But there are very definite legends of the Babylonian Ea coming from abroad by way of the Persian Gulf.' The early history of Tammuz is veiled in obscurity. Somewhere in South Western Asia or North Eastern Africa, pro- bably within a few years of the development of the art of agriculture, some scientific theorist, interpreting the body of empirical knowledge acquired by cultivating cereals, propounded the view that water was the great life-giving element. This view eventually found expression in the Osiiis-group of legends. This theory found specific application in the invention of libations and incense. These practices in turn reacted upon the general body of doctrine and gave it a more sharply defined form. The dead king also became more real when he was represented by an actual em- balmed body and a life-Hke statue, sitting in state upon his throne and holding in his hands the emblems of his high office. Thus while, in the present state of knowledge, it would be un- justifiable to claim that the Osiris-group of deities was invented in Egypt, and certainly erroneous to attribute the general theory of the fertilizing properties of water to the practice of embalming, it is true that the latter was responsible for giving Osiris a much more concrete ^ The possibility, or even the probability, must be borne in mind that the legend of Ea arising from the waters may be merely another way of expressing his primary attribute as the personification of the fertilizing powers of water. ■r 32 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON and clearly-defined shape, of " making a god in the image of man," and for giving to the water-theory a much richer and fuller significance than it had before. The symbolism so created has had a most profound influence h upon the thoughts and aspirations of the human race. For Osiris : was the prototype of all the gods ; his ritual was the basis of all religious ceremonial ; his priests who conducted the animating cere- monies were the pioneers of a long series of ministers who for more than fifty centuries, in spite of the endless variety of details of their ritual and the character of their temples, have continued to perform ceremonies that have undergone remarkably little essential change. Though the chief functions of the priest as the animator of the god and the restorer of his consciousness have now fallen into the back- ground in most religions, the ritual acts (the incense and libations, the offerings of food and blood and the rest) still persist in many countries : the priest still appeals by prayer and supplication for those benefits, which the Proto- Egyptian aimed at securing when he created Osiris as a god to give advice and help. The prayer for rain is one of the earliest forms of religious appeal, but the request for a plentiful inun- dation was earlier still. I have already said that in using the terms "god" and "religion" with reference to the earliest form of Osiris and the beliefs that grew up with reference to him a potent element of confusion is introduced. During the last fifty centuries the meanings of those two words have become so complexly enriched with the glamour of a mystic symbolism that the Proto- Egyptian's conception of Osiris and the Osirian beliefs must have been vastly different from those implied in the words "god" and "religion" at the present time. Osiris was regarded as an actual king who had died and been reanimated. In other words he was a man who could bestow upon his former subjects the benefits of his advice and help, but could also display such human weaknesses as malice, envy, and all uncharitableness. Much modern discussion completely misses the mark by the failure to recognize that these so-called "gods" were really men, equally capable of acts of beneficence and of outbursts of hatred, and as one or the other aspect became accentuated the same deity could become a Vedic (ileva or an Avestan d^va, a detis or a devil^ a god of kind- ness or a demon of wickedness. The acts which the earliest " gods " were supposed to perform INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 33 were not at first regarded as supernatural. They were merely the boons v/hich the mortal ruler was supposed to be able to confer, by controlling the waters of irrigation and rendering the land fertile. It was only when his powers became apotheosized with a halo of accum- ulated glory (and the growth of knowledge revealed the insecurity of the scientific basis upon which his fame was built up) that a priest- hood, reluctant to abandon any of the attributes which had captured the popular imagination, made it an obligation of belief to accept these supernatural powers of the gods for which the student of natural phen- omena refused any longer to be a sponsor. This was the parting of the ways between science and religion ; and thenceforth the attributes of the " gods " became definitely and admittedly superhuman. As I have already stated (p. 23) the original object of the offering of libations was thus clearly for the purpose of animating the statue of the deceased and so enabling him to continue the existence which had merely been interrupted by the incident of death. In course of time, hovv^ever, as definite gods gradually materialized and came to be re- presented by statues, they also had to be vitalized by offerings of water h'om time to time. Thus the pouring out of libations came to be an act of worship of the deity ; and in this form it has persisted until our own times in many civilized countries. But not only was water regarded as a means of animating the dead, or statues representing the dead, and an appropriate act of worship, in that it vitalized an idol and the god dwelling in it was thus able to hear and answer supplications. Water also became an essential part of any act of ritual rebii'th.^ As a baptism it also symbolized the giving of life. The initiate was re-born into a new communion of faith. In scores of other ways the same conception of the life-giving properties of water was responsible for as many applications of the use of liba- tions in inaugurating new enterprises, such as "baptising" ships and blessing buildings. It is important to remember that, according to early Egyptian beliefs, the continued existence of the dead was wholly de- pendent upon the attentions of the living. Unless this animating ceremony was performed not merely at the time of the funeral, but also at stated periods afterwards, and unless the friends of the deceased ^ This occurred at a later epoch when the attributes of the water-con- trolling deity of fertility became confused with those of the birlh-giving mother goddess {vide infra, p. 40). 3 34 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON periodically supplied food and drink, such a continuation of existence was impossible. The development of these beliefs had far-reaching effects in other directions. The idea that a stone statue could be animated ultimately became extended to mean that the dead man could enter into and dwell in a block of stone, which he could leave or return to at will. From this arose the beliefs, which spread far and \vide, that the dead, ancestors, kings, or deified kings, dwelt in stones ; and that they could be consulted as oracles, who gave advice and counsel. The acceptance of this idea that the dead could be reanim.ated in a stone statue no doubt prepared the minds of the people to credit the further belief, which other circumstances were responsible for creating, that men could be turned into stone. In the next chapter I shall explain how these petrifaction stones developed.^ All the rich crop of myths concerning men and animals dwelling in stones which are to be found encircling the globe from Ireland to America, can be referred back to these early Egyptian attempts to solve the mysteries of death, and to acquire the means of circumventing fate. These beliefs at first may have concerned human beings only. But in course of time, as the duty of revictualling an increasingly large number of tombs and temples tended to tax the resources of the people, the practice developed of substituting for the real things models, or even pictures, of food-animals, vegetables, and other requisites of the dead. And these objects and pictures were restored to life or reality by means of a ritual which was essentially identical with that used for animating the statue or the mummy of the deceased himself." It is well worth considering whether this may not be one of the basal factors in explanation of the phenomena which the late Sir Edward Tylor labelled "animism". So far from being a phase of culture through which many, if not all, peoples have passed in the course of their evolution, may it not have been merely an artificial conception of certain things, which was ^ For a large series of these stories see E. Sidney Hartland's " Legend of Perseus ". But even more instructive, as revealing the intimate con- nexion of such ideas with the beliefs regarding the preservation of the body, see J. J. M. de Groot, " The ReHgious System of China," Vol. IV, Book II, 190L ^In this connexion see de Groot, op. at. pp. 336 and 415. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 35 given so definite a form in Egypt, for the specific reasons at which I have just hinted, and from there spread far and wide ? Against this view may be urged the fact that our own children talk in an animistic fashion. But is not this due in some measure to the unconscious influence of their elders ? Or at most is it not a vague and ill-defined attitude of anthropomorphism necessarily in- volved in all spoken languages, which is vastly different from what the ethnologist understands by " animism" ^ ? But whether this be so or not, there can be no doubt that the " animism " of the early Egyptians assumed its precise and clear-cut distinctive features as the result of the growth of ideas suggested by the attempts to make mummies and statues of the dead and symbolic offerings of food and other funerary requisites. Thus incidentally there grew up the belief in a power of magic by means of which these make-believe offerings could be transformed into realities. But it is important to emphasize the fact that originally the conviction of the genuineness of this transubstantiation was a logical and not unnatural inference based upon the attempt to interpret natural phenomena, and then to influence them by imitating what were regarded as the determining factors." in China these ideas still retain much of their primitive influence and directness of expression. Referring to the Chinese " belief in the identity of pictures or images with the beings they represent " de Groot states that the kivan sknh or " magic art " is a '' main branch of Chinese witchcraft ". It consists essentially of " the infusion of a soul, life, and activity into likenesses of beings, to thus render them fit to work in some direction desired . . . this infusion is effected by blovving or breathing, or spurting water over the likeness : indeed breath or khi, or water from the mouth imbued with breath, is identical with ycing substance or life." ^ ^ The child certainly resembles primitive man in the readiness with v/hich it attributes to even the crudest models of animals or human beings the feelmgs of living creatures. - It became " magical " in our sense of the term only when the grovvth of knowledge revealed the fact that the measures taken were inade- quate to attain the desired end ; while the " magician " continued to make the pretence that he could attain that end by ultra-physical means. " De Groot, op, cit. p. 356. 36 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON Incense. So far I have referred in detail only to the offering of libations. But this was only one of several procedures for animating statues, mummies, and food- offerings. I have still to consider the ritual pro- cedures of incense-burning and " opening the mouth ". I From Mr. Blackman's translations of the Egyptian texts it is clear Ithat the burning of incense was intended to restore to the statue (or the mummy) the odour of the living body, and that this was part of the procedure considered necessary to animate the statue. He says " the belief about incense [which is explained by a later document, the Ritual of Ainon\ apparently does not occur in the Old King- dom religious texts that are preserved to us, yet it may quite well be as ancient as that period. That is certainly Erman's view " {pp, cit. p. 75). He gives the following translation of the relevant passage in the Ritual of Avion {yA\, 11): "The god comes with body adorned which he has fumigated with the eye of his body, the incense of the god which has issued from his flesh, the sweat of the god which has fallen to the ground, which he has given to all the gods. ... It is the Horus eye. If it lives, the people live, thy flesh lives, thy members are vigorous" {op. at. p. 72). In his comments upon this passage Mr. Blackman states : "In the light of the Pyramid libation-formulae the expressions in this text are quite comprehensible. Like the libations the grains of incense are the exudations of a divinity,^ * the fluid which issued from his flesh,' the god's sweat descending to the ground. . . . Here incense is not merely the 'odour of the god,' but the grains of resin are said to be the god's sweat " {pp. cit. p. 72). " Both rites, the pouring of libations and the burning of incense, are performed for the same purpose — to revivify the body [or the statue] of god and man by restoring to it its lost moisture" (p. 75). In attempting to reconstitute the circumstances which led to the ^ As I shall explain later (see page 38), the idea of the divinity of the incense-tree was a result of, and not the reason for, the practice of incense- burning. As one of the means by which the resurrection was attained incense became a giver of divinity ; and by a simple process of rationaliza- tion the tree which produced this divine substance became a god. The reference to the " eye of the body" (see p. 55) means the life- giving god or goddess who is the "eye" of the sky, i.e. the god with whom the dead king is identified. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 37 invention of incense-burning as a ritual act, the nature of the problem to be solved must be recalled. Among the most obtrusive evidences of death were the coldness of the skin, the lack of perspiration and of the odour of the living. It is important to realize vs^hat the phrase " odour of the living " v^^ould convey to the Proto- Egyptian. From the earliest Predynastic times in Egypt it had been the custom to make extensive use of resinous material as an essential ingredient (what a pharmacist would call the adhesive "vehicle") of cos- metics. One of the results of this practice in a hot climate must have been the association of a strong aroma of resin or balsam with a living person.' Whether or not it was the practice to burn incense to give pleasure to the living is not known. The fact that such a procedure was customary among their successors may mean that it was really archaic ; or on the other hand the possibility must not be overlooked that it may be merely the later vulgarization of a practice which originally was devised for purely ritual purposes. The burning of incense before a corpse or statue was intended to convey to it the v/armth, the sweat, and the odour of life. When the belief became well established that the burning of in- cense was potent as an animating force, and especially a giver of life to the dead, it naturally came to be regarded as a divine substance in the sense that it had the power of resurrection. As the grains of incense consisted of the exudation of trees, or, as the ancient texts express it, " their sweat," the divine power of animation in course of time became transferred to the trees. They v/ere no longer merely the source of the life-giving incense, but were themselves animated by the deity whose drops of sweat were the means of conveying life to the mummy. The reason why the deity which dwelt in these trees was usually identified with the Mother-Goddess will become clear in the course of the subsequent discussion (p. 38). It is probable that this was due mainly to the geographical circumstance that the chief source of incense was Southern Arabia, which was also the home of the primitive goddesses of fertility. For they were originally nothing more than personifications of the life-giving cowry amulets from the Red Sea. Thus Robertson Smith's statement that " the value of the gum of the acacia as an amulet is connected with the idea that it is a clot of ^ It would lead me too far afield to enter into a discussion of the use of scents and unguents, which is closely related to this question. 38 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON menstruous blood, i.e., that the tree is a woman " ^ is probably an inversion of cause and e^ect. It was the value attached to the gum that conferred animation upon the tree. The rest of the legend is merely a rationalization based upon the idea that the tree was identi- fied with the mother-goddess. The same criticism applies to his further contention (p. 427) with reference to " the religious value of incense," which he claims to be due to the fact that " like the gum of the samora (acacia) tree, ... it was an animate or divine plant ". Many factors played a part in the development of tree-worship, but it is probable the origin of the sacredness of trees must be assigned to the fact that it was acquired from the incense and the aromatic woods which were credited with the power of animating the dead. But at a very early epoch many other considerations helped to confirm and extend the conception of deification. When Osiris was buried, a sacred sycamore grew up as " the visible symbol of the imperishable life of Osiris "." But the sap of trees was brought into relationship with life-giving water and thus constituted another Hnk with Osiris- The sap was also regarded as the blood of trees and the incense that exuded as the sweat. Just as the water of libation was regarded as the fluid of the body of Osiris, so also, by this process of rationaliza- tion, the incense came to possess a similar significance. For reasons precisely analogous to those already explained in the case of libations, the custom of burning incense, from being originally a ritual act for animating the funerary statue, ultimately developed inio an act of homage to the deity. But it also acquired a special significance when the cult of sky- gods developed,^ for the smoke of the burning incense then came 1o be regarded as the vehicle which wafted the deceased's soul to the sky or conveyed there the requests of the dwellers upon earth. ^ "The soul of a human being is generally conceived |by the ^ " The Religion of the Semites," p. 133. "Breasted, p. 28. ■' For reasons explained on a subsequent page (56). ^ It is also worth considering whether the extension of this idea may not have been responsible for originating the practice of cremation — as a device for transferring, not merely the animating incense and the supplica- tions of the living, but also the body of the deceased to the sky-world. This, of course, did not happen in Egypt, but in some other country which adopted the Egyptian practice of incense-burning, but was not hampered by the religious conservatism that guarded the sacredness of the corpse. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 39 Chinese] as possessing the shape and characteristics of a human being, and occasionally those of an animal ; . . . the spirit of an animal is the shape of this animal or of some being with human attributes and speech. But plant spirits are never conceived as plant-shaped, nor to have plant- characters . , . whenever forms are given them, they are mostly represented as a man, a woman, or a child, and often also as an animal, dwelling in or near the plant, and emerging from it at times to do harm, or to dispense blessings. . . . Whether conceptions on the ani- mation of plants have never developed in Chinese thought and worship before ideas about human ghosts . . . had become predominant in mind and custom, we cannot say : but the matter seems probable " (De Groot, op. cit. pp. 272, 273). Tales of trees that shed blood and that cry out when hurt are common in Chinese literature (p. 274) [as also in Southern Arabia] ; also of trees that lodge or can change into maidens of transcendant beauty (p. 276). It is further significant that amongst the stories of souls of men taking up their residence in and animating trees and plants, the human being is usually a woman, accompanied by 'a fox, a dog, an old raven or the like " (p. 276). Thus in China are found all the elements out of which Dr. Rendel Harris believes the Aphrodite cult was compounded in Cyprus,' the animation of the anthropoid plant, its human cry, its association with a beautiful maiden and a dog." The immemorial custom of planting trees on graves in China is supposed by De Groot (p. 277) to be due to " the desire to strengthen the soul of the buried person, thus to save his body from corruption, for which reason trees such as pines and cypresses, deemed to be bearers of great vitality for being possessed of more shcn than other trees, were used preferably for such purposes". But may not such beliefs also be an expression of the idea that a tree growing upon a grave is developed from and becomes the personification of the de- ceased ? The significance of the selection of pines and cypresses may be compared to that associated with the so-called " cedars " in Baby- lonia, Egypt, and Phoenicia, and the myrrh- and frankincense- pro- ducing trees in Arabia and East Africa. They have come to be ^ "The Ascent of Olympus," 1917. - For a collection of stones relating to human beings, generally women, dwelling in trees, see Hartland's " Legend of Perseus ". 40 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON accredited with " soul-substance," since their use in mummification, and as incense and for making coffins, has made them the means for attaining a future existence. Hence in course of time they came to be regarded as charged with the spirit of vitality, the shen or " soul- substance ". In China also it was because the woods of the pine or fir and the Cyprus were used for making coffins and grave-vaults and that pine- resin was regarded as a means of attaining immortality (De Groot, op. cit. pp. 296 and 297) that such veneration was bestowed upon these trees. " At an early date, Taoist seekers after immortality transplanted that animation [of the hardy long-lived fir and cypress^] into them- selves by consuming the resin of those trees, which, apparently, they looked upon as coagulated soul -substance, the counterpart of the blood in men and animals" (p. 296). In India the amrita, the god's food of immortality, was some- times regarded as the sap exuded from the sacred trees of paradise. Elsewhere in these pages it is explained how the vaguely defined Mother " Goddess " and the more distinctly anthropoid Water " God," which originally developed quite independently the one of the other, ultimately came to exert a profound and mutual influence, so that many of the attributes which originally belonged to one of them came to be shared with the other. Many factors played a part in this process of blending and confusion of sex. As I shall explain later, when the moon came to be regarded as the dwelling or the impersonation of Hathor, the supposed influence of the moon over water led to a further assimilation of her attributes with those of Osiris as the controller of water, which received definite expression in a lunar form of Osiiis. But the link that is most intimately related to the subject of this address is provided by the personification of the Mother-Goddess in incense- trees. For incense thus became the sweat or the tears of the Great Mother just as the water of libation was regarded as the fluid of Osiris. ' The fact that the fir and cypress are *' hardy and long-lived " is not the reason for their being accredited with these life-prolonging qualities. But once the latter virtues had become attributed to them the fact that the trees were " hardy and long-lived " may have been used to bolster up the belief by a process of rationalization. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 41 The Breath of Life. Although the pouring of libations and the burning of incense played so prominent a part in the ritual of animating the statue or the mummy, the most important incident in the ceremony was the " open- ing of the mouth," which was regarded as giving it the breath of life. Elsewhere ^ I have suggested that the conception of the heart and blood as the vehicles of life, feeling, volition, and knowledge may have been extremely ancient. It is not known when or under what circum- stances the idea of the breath being the " life" was first entertained. The fact that in certain primitive systems of philosophy the breath was supposed to have something to do with the heart suggests that these beliefs may be a constituent element of the ancient heart-theory. In some of the rock- pictures in America, Australia, and elsewhere the air-passages are represented leading to the heart. But there can be little doubt that the practice of mummification gave greater definiteness to the ideas regarding the " heart " and " breath," which eventually led to a differentiation between their supposed functions.' As the heart and the blood were obviously present in the dead body they could no longer be regarded as the " life". The breath was clearly the " element " the lack of which rendered the body inanimate. It was therefore regarded as necessaiy to set the heart working. The heart then came to be looked upon as the seat of knowledge, the organ that feels and wills during v/aking life. All the pulsating motions of the body seem to have been regarded, like the act of respiration, as expressions of the vital principle or " life," which Dutch ethnological writers refer to as " soul substance". The neighbourhood of certain joints where the pulse can be felt most readily, and the top of the head, where pulsation can be felt in the infant's fontanelle, were therefore regarded by some Asiatic peoples as the places where the substance of life could leave or enter the body. It is possible that in ancient times this belief was more widespread ^ " Primitive Man," Proceedings of the British Academy, 1917, p. 4L It is important to remember that the real meaning of respiration was quite unknown until modern science revealed the part played by oxygen. -' The enormous complexity and intricacy of the interrelation between the functions of the " heart," and the " breath " is revealed in Chinese philosophy (see de Groot, op. cit. Chapter VII. ititer aiid). 42 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON than it is now. it affords an explanation of the motive for trephining the skull among ancient peoples, to afford a more ready passage lor the " vital essence " to and from the skull. in his lecture on " The Socratic Doctrine of the Soul," ^ Professor John Burnet has expounded the meaning of early Greek conceptions of the soul with rare insight and lucidity. Originally, the word ^/fi>x ? meant "breath," but, by historical times, it had already been specialized in two distinct ways. It had come to mean courage in the first place, and secondly the breath of life, the presence or absence of which is the most obvious distinction between the animate and the inanimate, the "ghost" which a man " gives up" at death. But it may also quit the body temporarily, which explains the pheno- menon of swooning {kiiro-<\svyia). It seemed natural to suppose it v/as also the thing that can roam at large when the body is asleep, and even appear to another sleeping person in his dream. Moreover, since we can dream of the dead, what then appears to us must be just what leaves the body at the moment of death. These considera- tions explain the world-v^ide belief in the " soul" as a sort of double of the real bodily man, the Egyptian kai,- the \l?X\diXi genius, and the Greek ^fjvxi- Now this double is not identical with v, hatever it is in us that feels and \vills during our waking Ufe. That is generally supposed to be blood and not breath. What we feel and perceive have their seat in the heart : they belong to the body and perish with it. It is only when the shades have been allowed to drink blood that consciousness returns to them for a while. At one time the ^v)(T] was supposed to dwell with the body in the grave, where it had to be supported by the ofienngs of the sur- vivors, especially by libations (voaQ. An Egyptian psychologist has carried the story back long before the times of which Professor Burnet v^rites. He has explained "his conception of the functions of the ' heart (mind) and tongue '. ' When ^ Second Annual Philosophical Lecture, Henrietta Hertz Trust, Pro- ceediri'^s of the British Academy, Vol. Vll, 26 Jan., 1916. ^ The Egyptian ka, however, was a more complex entity than this comparison suggests. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 43 the eyes see, the ears hear, and the nose breathes, they transmit to the heart. It is he (the heart) who brings forth eveiy issue and it is the tongue which repeats the thought of the heart.' " ' "There came the saying that Atum, who created the gods, stated concerning Ptah-Tatenen : ' He is the fashioner of the gods. . . . He made likenesses of their bodies to the satisfaction of their hearts. Then the gods entered into their bodies of every wood and every stone and every metal.' " ' That these ideas are really ancient is shown by the fact that in the Pyramid Texts I sis is represented conveying the breath of life to Osiris by "causing a wind with her wings".'' The ceremony of " opening the mouth " which aimed at achieving this restoration of the breath of life was the principal part of the ritual procedure be- fore the statue or mummy. As I have already mentioned (p. 25), the sculptor who modelled the portrait statue was called " he who causes to live," and the word " to fashion " a statue is identical with that which means "to give birth ". The god Ptah created man by modelling his form in clay. Similarly the life-giving sculptor made the portrait which was to be the means of securing a perpetuation of existence, when it was animated by the " opening of the mouth," by libations and incense. As the outcome of this process of rationalization in Egypt a vast crop of creation-legends came into existence, which have persisted with remarkable completeness until the present day in India, Indonesia, China, America, and elsewhere. A statue of stone, wood, or clay is fashioned, and the ceremony of animation is performed to convey to it the breath of life, which in many places is supposed to be brought down from the sky.^ In the Egyptian beliefs, as well as in most of the world-wide legends that were derived from them, the idea assumed a definite form that the vita! principle (often referred to as the " soul," " soul- substance," or " double ") could exist apart from the body. Whatever ^ Breasted, op. cit. pp. 44 and 45. - Op. cit. pp. 45 end 46. ■' Ibid. p. 28. * W. J. Perry has collected the evidence preserved in a remarkable series of Indonesian legends in his recent book, "The Megalithic Cul- ture of Indonesia ". But the fullest exposition of the whole subject is provided in the Chinese literature summarized by de Groot (op. at.). 44 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON the explanation, it is clear that the possibility of the existence of the vital principle apart from the body was entertained. It was supposed that it could return to the body and temporarily reanimate it. It could enter into and dwell within the stone representation of the deceased. Sometimes this so-called " soul " was identified ^ with the breath of life, which could enter into the statue as the result of the ceremony of "opening the mouth". It has been commonly assumed by Sir Edward Tylor and those who accept his theory of animism that the idea of the " soul " was based upon the attempts to interpret the phenomena of dreams and shadows, to which Burnet has referred in the passage quoted above. The fact that when a person is sleeping he may dream of seeing absent people and of having a variety of adventures is explained by many peoples by the hypothesis that these are real experiences which befell the "soul" when it wandered abroad during its owner's sleep. A man's shadow or his reflection in water or a mirror has been inter- preted as his double. But what these speculations leave out of account is the fact that these dream- and shadow-phenomena were probably merely the predisposing circumstances which helped in the development of (or the corroborative details which were added to and, by rationalization, incorporated in) the " soul-theory," which other circumstances were responsible for creating." I have already called attention (p. 5) to the fact that in many of the psychological speculations in ethnology too little account is taken of the enormous complexity of the factors which determine even the simplest and apparently most obvious and rational actions of men. 1 must again remind the reader that a vast multitude of influences, many of them of a subconscious and emotional nature, affect men's deci- sions and opinions. But once some definite state of feeling inclines a man to a certain conclusion, he will call up a host of other circum- stances to buttress his decision, and weave them into a complex net of rationalization. Some such process undoubtedly took place in the development of "animism"; and though it is not possible yet to ^ See, however, the reservations in the subsequent pages. " The thorough analysis of the beliefs of any people makes this abundantly clear. De Groot's monograph is an admirable illustration of this {op. cit. Chapter Vll.). Both in Egypt and China the conceptions of the significance of the shadow are later and altogether subsidiary. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 45 reconstruct the whole history of the growth of the idea, there can be no question that these early strivings after an understanding of the nature of life and death, and the attempts to put the theories into practice to reanimate the dead, provided the foundations upon which has been built up during the last fifty centuries a vast and com- plex theory of the soul. In the creation of this edifice the thoughts and the aspirations of countless millions of peoples have played a part : but the foundation was laid down when the Egyptian king or priest claimed that he could restore to the dead the "breath of life" and, by means of the v/and which he called " the great magician," ' could enable the dead to be born again. The wand is supposed by some scholars " to be a conventionalized representation of the uterus, so that its power of giving birth is expressed with literal directness. Such be- liefs and stories of the "magic wand" are found to-day in scattered locaUties from the Scottish Highlands to Indonesia and America. In this sketch i have referred merely to one or two aspects of a con- ception of vast complexity. But it must be remembered that, once the mind of man began to play with the idea of a vital essence capable of existing apart from the body and to identify it with the breath of life, an iUimitable field was opened up for speculation. The vital principle could manifest itself in all the varied expressions of human personality, as well as in all the physiological indications of life. Ex- perience of dreams led men to believe that the " soul" could also leave the body temporarily and enjoy varied experiences. But the concrete- minded Egyptian demanded some physical evidence to buttress these intangible ideas of the wandering abroad of his vital essence. He made a statue for it to dwell in after his death, because he was not able to make an adequately life-like reproduction of the dead man's features upon the mummy itself or its wrappings. Then he gradually persuaded himself that the life- sub stance could exist apart from the body as a "double" or "twin" which animated the statue. Searching for material evidence to support his faith primitive man not unnaturally turned to the contemplation of the circumstances of his birth. All his beliefs concerning the nature of life can ultimately be referred back to the stoiy of his own origin, his birth or creation. When an infant is born it is accompanied by the after-birth or ■ Alan H. Gardiner, Davies and Gardiner, op. cit. p. 59. -F. LI. Griffith, "A Collection of Hieroglyphs," 1898, p. 60. 46 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON placenta to which it is linked by the umbilical cord. The full com- prehension of the significance of these structures is an achievement of modern science. To primitive man they were an incomprehensible marvel. But once he began to play vv^ith the idea that he had a double, a vital essence in his own shape which could leave the sleeping body and lead a separate existence, the placenta obviously provided tangible evidence of its reality. The considerations set forth by Blackman,^ supplementing those of Moret, Murray and Seligman, and others, have been claimed as Hnking the placenta with the ka. Much controversy has waged around the interpretation of the Egyptian word ka, especially during recent years. An excellent summary of the arguments brought forward by the various disputants up to 1912 will be found in Moret's " Mysteres Egyptiens ". Since then more or less contradictory views have been put forward by Alan Gardiner, Breasted, and Blackman. It is not my intention to inter- vene in a dispute as to the meaning of certain phrases in ancient litera- ture ; but there are certain aspects of the problems at issue v/hich are so intimately related to my main theme as to make some reference to them unavoidable. The development of the custom of making statues of the dead necessarily raised for solution the problem of explaining the deceased's two bodies, his actual mummy and his portrait statue. During life on earth his vital principle dwelt in the former, except on those occasions when the man v/as asleep. His actual body also gave ex- pression to all the varied attributes of his personality. But after death the statue became the dwelling place of these manifestations of the spirit of vitality. Whether or not the conception arose out of the necessities unavoid- ably created by the making of statues, it seems clear that this custom must have given more concrete shape to the belief that all of those elements of the dead man's individuality which left his body at the time of death could shift as a shadowy double into his statue. At the birth of a king he is accompanied by a comrade or twin exactly reproducmg all his features. This double or ka is intimately associated throughout life and in the life to come with the king's wel- ^ Aylward M. Blackman, " Some Remarks on an Emblem upon the Head of an Ancient Egyptian Birth-Goddess," Journal of Eiryptian Archccologv, Vol. Ill, Part 111, July, 1916, p. 199; and ''The Pharaoh's Placenta and the Moon-God Khons," ibid. Part IV, Oct., 1916, p. 235. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 47 fare. In fact Breasted claims that the ka " was a kind of superior orenius intended to guide the fortunes of the individual in the here- o o after" . . . there " he had his abode and awaited the coming of his earthly companion "/ At death the deceased " goes to his ka, to the sky". The ka controls and protects the deceased : he brings him food which they eat together. It is important clearly to keep in mind the different factors involved in the conception of the ka: — {(i) The statue of the deceased is animated by restoring to it the breath of life and all the other vital attributes of which the early Egyptian physiologist took cognisance. (/') At the time or birth there came into being along with the child a "twin " whose destinies were closely linked with the child's. (i) As the result of animating the statue the deceased also has restored to him his character, " the sum of his attributes," his indi- viduality, later raised to the position of a protecting genius or god, a Providence who watches over his well-being.- The kci is not simply identical with the breath of life or a;iimus\ < as Burnet supposes {o/>. at. supra), but has a wider significance. The adoption of the conception of the ka as a sort of guardian angel which finds its appropriate habitation in a statue that has been animated does not necessarily conflict with the view^ so concretely and unmistakably represented in the tomb-pictures that the ka is also a double who is born along with the individual. This material conception of the ka as a double who is born with and closely linked to the individual is, as Blackman has emphasized,^ very suggestive of Baganda beliefs and rites connected v/ith the placenta. At death the circumstances of the act of birth are reconstituted, and for this rebirth the placenta which played an essential part in the original process is restored to the deceased. May not the original meaning of the expression " he goes to his ka" be a literal description of this re- union with his placenta ? The identification of the ka v/ith the moon, the guardian of the dead man's welfare, may have enriched the symbolism. ' " Religion and Thougiil in Ancient Egypt," p. 52. Breasted denies that the ka was an element of the personality. ■ For an abstruse discussion or this problem see Alan H. Gardiner, *' Personification (Egyptian)," Hastings' EncvdoJ'cedia of Religion and Ethics, pp. 790 and 792. ^ Op. cit. supra. 48 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON Blackman makes the suggestion that " on the analogy of the beliefs entertained by the Hamitic ruling caste in Uganda," according to Roscoe, " the placenta/ or rather its ghost, would have been supposed by the Ancient Egyptians to be closely connected with the individual's personality, as " he maintains was also the case with the god or pro- tecting genius of the Babylonians." " Unless united with his twin's [i.e. his placenta's] ghost the dead king was an imperfect deity, i.e. his directing intelligence was impaired or lacking," presumably because the placenta was composed of blood, which was regarded as the material of consciousness and intelligence. In China, as the quotations from de Groot (see footnote) show, the placenta when placed under felicitous circumstances is able to ensure the child a long life and to control his mental and physical welfare. In view of the claims put forward by Blackman to associate the placenta with the ka, it is of interest to note Moret's suggestion concerning the fourteen forms of the ka, to which von Bissing assigns ^ Mr. Blackman is puzzled to explain what " possible connexion there could be between the Pharaoh's placenta and the moon beyond the fact that it is the custom in Uganda to expose the king's placenta each new moon and anoint it with butter. To those readers who follow my argument in the later pages of this discussion the reasoning at the back of this association should be plain enough. The moon was regarded as the controller of menstruation. The placenta (and also the child) was considered to be formed of menstrual blood. The welfare of the placenta was therefore considered to be under the control of the moon. The anointing with butter is an interesting illustration of the close con- nexion of these lunar and maternal phenomena with the cow. The placenta was associated with the moon also in China, as the fol- lowing quotation shows. According to de Groot {o/>. cit. p. 396), " in the Siao 'rh fang or Medicament for Babies, by the hand of Ts'ui Hing-kung [died 674 A.D.], it is said : ' The placenta should be stored away in a felicitous spot under the salutary influences of the sky or the moon ... in order that the child may be ensured a long life ' ". He then goes on to explain how any inter- ference with the placenta will entail mental or physical trouble to the child. The placenta also is used as the ingredient of pills to increase fertility, facilitate parturition, to bring back life to people on the brink of death and it is the main ingredient " in medicines for lunacy, convulsions, epilepsy, etc." (p. 397). " It gives resi to the heart, nourishes the blood, increases the breath, and strengthens the tsing " (p. 396). These attributes of the placenta indicate that the beliefs of the Baganda are not merely local eccentricities, but widespread and sharply defined in- terpretations of the natural phenomena of birth. ■'Op. cit. p. 241. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 49 the general significance "nourishment or offerings". He puts the question whether they do not " personify the elements of mateiial and intellectual prosperity, all that is necessary for the health of body and spirit " {op. cit. p. 209). The placenta is credited with all the varieties of life-gi\ing potency that are attributed to the Mother-Goddess. It therefore controls the welfare of the individual and, like all maternal amulets (I'idc supra), ensures his good fortune. But, probably by virtue of its supposed derivation from and intimate association v^th blood, it also ministered to his mental welfare. In my last Rylands Lecture I referred to the probability that the essential elements of Chinese civilization were derived from the West. I had hoped that, before the present statement went to the printer, I would have found time to set forth in detail the evidence in substantia- tion of the reality of that diffusion of culture. Briefly the chain of proof is composed of the following links : {a) the intimate cultural contact between Egypt, Southern Arabia, Sumer, and El am from a period at least as early as the First Egyptian Dynasty ; {p) the diffusion of Sumerian and Elamite culture in very early times at least as far north as Russian Turkestan and as far east as Baluchistan ; {c) at some later period the quest of gold, copper, turquoise, and jade led the Babylonians (and their neighbours) as far north as the Altai and as far east as Khotan and the Tarim Valley, where their pathways were blazed with the distinctive methods of. cultivation and irrigation; [d) at some subsequent period there was' an easterly diffusion of culture h'om Turkestan into the Shensi Pro- vince of China proper ; and {e) at least as early as the seventh century! B.C. there was also a spread of Western culture to China by sea.' I have already referred to some of the distinctively Egyptian traits in Chinese beliefs concerning the dead. Mingled with them are other equally definitely Babylonian ideas concerning the liver. It must be apparent that in the course of the spread of a complex system of religious beliefs to so great a distance, only certain of their features would survive the journey. Handed on from people to people, each of whom would unavoidably transform them to some ' See " The Origin of Early Siberian Civilization," nov/ being pub- lished in the Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. A 50 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON extent, the tenets of the Western beliefs v/ould become shorn of many of their details and have many excrescences added to them before the Chinese received them. In the crucible of the local philosophy they would be assimilated with Chinese ideas until the resulting compound assumed a Chinese appearance. When these inevitable circumstances are recalled the value of any positive evidence of Western influence is of special significance. According to the ancient Chinese, man has two souls, the kivei and the shen. The former, which according to de Groot is definitely the more ancient of the two (p. 8), is the material, substantial soul, which emanates from the teiTestrial part of the universe, and is formed of yin substance. In living man it operates under the name o{ p'ok, and on his death it returns to the earth and abides with the deceased in his grave. The shcu or immaterial soul emanates from the ethereal celestial part of the cosmos and consists of yano- substance. When operating actively in the living human body, it is called kki or " breath," and hivun ; when separated from it after death it lives forth as a refulgent spirit, styled mmg} But the shen also, in spite of its sky- affinities, hovers about the grave and may dwell in the inscribed grave-stone (p. 6). There may be a multitude of shen in one body and many "soul-tablets" may be provided for them (p. 74). Just as in Egypt the ka is said to " symbolize the force of life which resides in nourishment " (Moret, p. 2 1 2), so the Chinese refer to the ethereal part of the food as its khi, i.e. the " breath " of its shen. The careful study of the mass of detailed evidence so lucidly set forth by de Groot in his great monograph reveals the fact that, in spite of many superficial differences and apparent contradictions, the early Chinese conceptions of the soul and its functions are essentially iden- tical with the Egyptian, and must have been derived from the same source. From the quotations which I have already given in the foregoing pages, it appears that the Chinese entertain views regarding the func- tions of the placenta which are identical v/ith those of the Baganda, and a conception of the souls of man v/hich presents unmistakable analogies with Egyptian beliefs. Yet these Chinese references do ^ De Groot, .p 5. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 51 not shed any clearer light than Egyptian literature does upon the problem of the possible relationship between the ka and ^^f latent a. In the Iranian domain, hov/ever, right on the overland route from the Persian Gulf to China, there seems to be a ray of light. According to the late Professor Moulton, " The later Parsi books tell us that the Fravashi is a part of a good man's identity, living in heaven and reuniting with the soul at death. It is not exactly a guardian angel, for it shares in the development or deterioration of the rest of the man." ' In fact the Fravashi is not unlike the Egyptian ka on the one side and the Chinese shen on the other. " They are the Maius, ' the good folk ' " (p. 144) : they are connected with the stars in their capacity as spirits of the dead (p. 143), and they "showed their paths to the sun, the moon, the sun, and the endless lights," just as the kas guide the dead in the hereafter. The Fravashis play a part in the annual All Soul's feast (p. 1 44), for which Breasted has provided an almost exact parallel in Egypt during the Middle Kingdom. All the circumstances of the two ceremonies are essentially identical. Now Professor Moulton suggests that the word Fravashi may be derived from the Avestan root vai\ " to impregnate, " and fravasi mean "birth-promotion" (p. 142). As he associates this with childbirth the possibility suggests itself whether the " birth- promoter " may not be simply the placenta. Loret (quoted by Moret, p. 202), however, derives the word ka from a root signifying " to beget, " so that the Fravashi may be nothing more than the Iranian homologue of the Egyptian ka. The connecting link between the Iranian and Egyptian conceptions may be the Sumerian instances given to Blackman " by Dr. Langdon. 1 he whole idea seems to have originated out of the belief that the sum of the individual attributes or vital expressions of a man's personality could exist apart from the physical body. The contem- plation of the phenomena of sleep and death provided the evidence in corroboration of this. At birth the newcomer came into the world physically connected V\'ith the placenta, which was accredited with the attributes of the liie-giving and birth-promoting Great Mother and intimately related ^ Early Religious Poetry of Persia, p. 145. " Op. cit. p. 264. ' ^ Ibid. p. 240. 52 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON to the moon and the earliest totem. It was obviously, also, closely concerned in the nutrition of the embryo, for was it not the stalk upon which the latter was growing like some fruit on its stem ? It was a not unnatural inference to suppose that, as the elements of the personality were not indissolubly connected with the body, they were brought into existence at the time of birth and that the placenta was their vehicle. The Egyptians* own terms of reference to the sculptor of a statue show that the ideas of birth were uppermost in their minds when the custom of statue-making was first devised. Moret has brought together {pp. cit. sitpi'd) a good deal of evidence to suggest the far- reaching significance of the conception of ritual rebirth in early Egyptian religious ceremonial. With these ideas in his mind the Egyptian would naturally attach great importance to the placenta in any attempt to reconstruct the act of rebirth, which would be re- garded in a literal sense. The placenta which played an essential part in the original act would have an equally important role in the ritual of rebirth. [For a further comment upon the problem discussed in the preceding ten pages, see Appendix A, p. 73.] The Power of the Eye. In attempting to understand the peculiar functions attributed to the eye it is essential that the inquirer should endeavour to look at the problem from the early Egyptian's point of view. After mould- ing into shape the wrappings of the mummy so as to restore as far as possible the form of the deceased the embalmer then painted eyes upon the face. So also when the sculptor had learned to make finished models in stone or wood, and by the addition of paint had enhanced the life-like appearance, the statue was still merely a dead thing. What were needed above all to enliven it, literally and actu- ally, in other words, to animate it, were the eyes ; and the Egyptian artist set to work and with truly marvellous skill reproduced the ap- pearance of living eyes (Fig. 5), How ample was the justification ror this belief will be appreciated by anyone who glances at the remarkable photographs recently published by Dr. Alan H. Gardiner.' The wonderful eyes will be seen to make the statue sparkle and live. To the concrete mind of the Egyptian this triumph ot art was regarded ' " A New Masterpiece of Egyptian Sculpture," The Jotirnal of Egyptian Archceology , Vol. IV, Part I, Jan., 1917. Fig. 5. — Statue ok an Egyptian Noklk of thu Pyramid Agk to show the technical skill in the representation- of life-like eves INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 53 not as a mere technical success or aesthetic achievement. The artist was considered to have made the statue really live ; in fact, literally and actually converted it into a "living image". The eyes them- selves were regarded as one of the chief sources of the vitality which had been conferred upon the statue. This is the explanation of all the elaborate care and skill bestowed upon the making of artificial eyes. No doubt also it was largely responsible for giving definition to the remarkable belief in the animating power of the eye. But so many other factors of most diverse kinds played a part in building up the complex theory of the eye's fertilizing potency that all the stages in the process of rationaliza- tion cannot yet be arranged in orderly sequence. I refer to the question here and suggest certain aspects of it that seem worthy of investigation merely for the purpose of stimulating some student of early Egyptian literature to look into the matter further.^ As death was regarded as a kind of sleep and the closing of the eyes was the distinctive sign of the latter condition the open eyes were not unnaturally regarded as clear evidence of wakefulness and life. In fact, to a matter-of-fact people the restoration of the eyes to the mummy or statue was equivalent to an awakening to life. At a time when a reflection in a mirror or in a sheet of water was supposed to afford quite positive evidence of the reality of each individual's " double," and when the " soul," or more concretely, "life," was imagined to be a minute image or homunculus, it is quite likely that the reflection in the eye may have been interpreted as the "soul" dwelling within it. The eye was certainly regarded as peculiarly rich in " soul substance". It was not until Osiris received from Horus the eye which had been wrenched out in the latter's combat with Set that he " became a soul ".' It is a remarkable fact that this belief in the animating power of the eye spread as far east as Polynesia and America, and as far west as the British Islands. in all probability the main factor that was responsible for conferring such definite life-giving powers upon the eye was the identification of the moon with the Great Mother. The moon was the Eye of Re, the sky-god. '■^ Breasted, "Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt," p. 59. The meaning of the phrase rendered "a soul " here would be more accurately given by the word " reanimated ". 54 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON Of course the obvious physiological functions of the eyes as means of communication between their possessor and the world around him ; the powerful influence of the eyes for expressing feeling and emotion without speech ; the analogy between the closing and opening of the eyes and the changes of day and night, are all hinted at in Egyptian literature. But there were certain specific factors that seem to have helped to give definiteness to these general ideas of the physiology of the eyes. The tears, like all the body moisture, came to share the life-giving attributes of water in general. And when it is recalled that at funeral ceremonies emotion found natural expression in the shed- ding of tears, it is not unlikely that this came to be assimilated with all the other water-symbolism of the funerary ritual. The early literature of Egypt, in fact, refers to the part played by Isis and Nephthys in the reanimation of Osiris, when the tears they shed as mourners brought life back to the god. But the fertilizing tears of Isis were life-giving in the wider sense. They were said to cause the inundation which fertilized the soil of Egypt, meaning presumably that the " Eye of Re" sent the rain. There is the further possibility that the beliefs associated with the cowry may have played some part, if not in originating, at any rate in emphasizing the conception of the fertilizing powers of the eye, I have already mentioned the outstanding features of the symbolism of the cowry. In many places in Africa and elsewhere the similarity of this shell to the half-closed eyelids led to its use as an artificial "eye" in mummies. The use of the same objects to symbolize the female reproductive organs and the eyes may have played some part in transferring to the latter the fertility of the former. The gods were born of the eyes of Ptah. Might not the confusion of the eye with the genitalia have given a meaning to this statement ? There is evidence of this double symboUsm of these shells. Cowry shells have also been employed, both in the Persian Gulf and the Pacific, to decorate the bows of boats, probably for the dual purpose of re- presenting eyes and conferring vitality upon the vessel. These facts suggest that the belief in the fertilizing power of the eyes may to some extent be due to this cowry-association. Even if it be admitted that all the known cases of the use of cowries as eyes of mummies are relatively late, and that it is not known to have been employed for such a purpose in Egypt, the mere fact that the likeness to the eyelids INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 55 so readily suggests itself may have linked together the attributes of the cowry and the eye even in Predynastic times, when cowries were placed with the dead in the grave. Hathor's identification with the "Eye of Re" may possibly have been an expression of the same idea. But the role of the " Eye of Re " was due primarily to her association with the moon {i.'ide infra, p. 56). The apparently hopeless tangle of contradictions involved in these conceptions of Hathor will have to be unravelled. For " no eye is to be feared more than thine (Re's) when it attacketh in the form of Hathor" (Maspero, op. cit. p. 165). If it was the beneficent life- giving aspect of the eye which led to its identification with Hathor, in course of time, v/hen the reason for this connexion was lost sight of, it became associated with the malevolent, death-dealing avatar of the goddess, and became the expression of the god's anger and hatred toward his enemies. It is not unhkely that such a confusion may have been responsible for giving concrete expression to the general psychological fact that the eyes are obviously among the chief means for expressing hatred for and intimidating and "brow-beating' ones fellows. [In my lecture on "The Birth of Aphrodite" I shall ex- plain the explicit circumstances that gave rise to these contradictions.] It is significant that, in addition to the -"Aadespread belief in the " evil eye " — which in itself embodies the same confusion, the expres- sion of admiration that works evil — in a multitude of legends it is the eye that produces petrifaction. The " stony stare" causes death and the dead become transformed into statues, which, however, usually lack their original attribute of animation. These stories have Deen collected by Mr. E. S. Hartland in his " Legend of Perseus ". There is another possible link in the chain of associations between the eye and the idea of fertility. 1 have already referred to the development of the belief that incense, which plays so prominent a part in the ritual for conferring vitality upon the dead, is itself replete with animating properties. " Glaser has already shown the anti incense of the Egyptian Punt Reliefs to be an Arabian word, a-a-nete, ' tree-eyes ' {Punt unci die Siidarabischen Reiche, p. 7), and to refer to the large lumps ... as distinguished from the small round drops, which are supposed to be tree-tears or the tree-blood.' ■Wilfred H. Schoff, "The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea," 1912, p. 164. 56 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON The Moon and the Sky- World. There are reasons for believing that the chief episodes in Aphro- dite's past point to the Red Sea for their inspiration, though many other factors, due partly to local circumstances and partly to contact with other civilizations, contributed to the determination of the traits of the Mediterranean goddess of love. In Babylonia and India there are very definite signs of borrowing from the same source. It is im- portant, therefore, to look for further evidence to Arabia as the obvious bond of union both with Phoenicia and Babylonia. The claim made in Roscher's Lexicon der Mythologie that the Assyrian Ishtar, the Phoenician Ashtoreth (Astarte), the Syrian Atargatis (Derketo), the Babylonian Belit (Mylitta) and the Arabian Hat (Al-ilat) were all moon-goddesses has given rise to much rather aimless discussion, for there can be no question of their essential hom- ology vv'ith Hathor and Aphrodite. Moreover, from the beginning, all goddesses — and especially this most primitive stratum of fertility deities — were for obvious reasons intimately associated with the moon.^ But the cyclical periodicity of the moon which suggested the analogy with the similar physiological periodicity of women merely explains the association of the moon with women. The influence of the moon upon dew and the tides, perhaps, suggested its controlling power over water and emphasized the life-giving function which its association with women had already suggested. For reasons which have been explained already, water was associated more especially with fertili- zation by the male. Hence the symbolism of the moon came to include the control of both the male and the female processes of re- production.' The literature relating to the development of these ideas with refer- ^ I am not concerned here with the explanation of the means by which their home became transferred to the planet Venus. " In his discussion of the functions of the Fravashis in the Iranian Yasht, the late Professor Moulton suggested the derivation of the word from the Avestan root var, "to impregnate," so that //vrrwJ'/ might mean "birth- promotion ". But he was puzzled by a reference to water. " Less easy to understand is their intimate connexion with the Waters " (" Early Religious Poetry of Persia," pp. 142 and 143). But the Waters were regarded as fertilizing agents. This is seen in the Avestan Anahita, who was " the presiding genie of Fertility and more especially of the Waiters "(W. J. Phythiati-Adams. " Mithraism," 1915, p. 13). INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 57 ence to the moon has been summarized by Professor Hutton Webster.' He shows that " there is good reason for believing that among many primitive peoples the moon, rather than the sun, the planets or any of the constellations, first excited the imagination and aroused feelings of superstitious awe or of religious veneration '. Special attention was first devoted to the moon when agricultural pursuits compelled men to measure time and determine the seasons. The influence of the moon on water, both the tides and dew, brought it within the scope of the then current biological theory of fertilization. This conception was powerfully corroborated by the parallelism of the moon's cycles and those of womankind, which was interpreted by re- garding the moon as the controlling power of the female reproductive functions. Thus all of the earliest goddesses who were personifications of the powers of fertility came to be associated, and in some cases identified, with the moon. In this way the animation and deification of the moon was brought about : and the first sky deity assumed not only all the attributes of the cowry, i.e. the female reproductive functions, but also, as the controller of water, many of those which afterwards were associated with Osiris. The confusion of the male fertilizing powers of Osiris with the female reproductive functions of Hathor and Isis may explain how in some places the moon became a masculine deity, who, how- ever, still retained his control over womankind, and caused the phen- omena of menstruation by the exercise of his virile powers.^ But the moon-god was also a measurer of time and in this aspect was specially personified in Thoth. The assimilation of the moon with these earth-deities was prob- ably responsible for the creation of the first sky-deity. For once the conception developed of identifying a deity with the moon, and the Osirian beliefs associated with the deification of a dead king grew up, the moon became the impersonation of the spirit of womankind, some mortal woman who by death had acquired divinity. After the idea had developed of regarding the moon as the spirit 1 "Rest Days," New York, 1916, pp. 124 et scq. - Wherever these deities of fertility are found, whether in Egypt, Baby- lonia, the Mediterranean Area, Eastern Asia, and America, illustrations of this confusion of sex are found. The explanation which Dr. Rendel Harris offers of this confusion in the case of Aphrodite seems to me not to give due recognition to its great antiquity and almost world-wide distribution. 58 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON of a dead person, it was only natural that, in course of time, the sun and stars should be brought within the scope of the same train of thought, and be regarded as the deified dead. When this happened, the sun not unnaturally soon leapt into a position of pre-eminence. As the moon represented the deified female principle the sun became the dominant male deity Re. The stars also became the spirits of the dead. Once this new conception of a sky-world was adumbrated a luxuriant crop of beliefs grew up to assimilate the new beliefs with the old, and to buttress the confused mixture of incompatible ideas with a complex scaffolding of rationalization. The sun-god Horus was already the son of Osiris. Osiiis con- trolled not only the river and the irrigation canals, but also the rain- clouds. The fumes of incense conveyed to the sky-gods the supplica- tions of the worshippers on earth. Incense was not only " the perfume that deifies," but also the means by which the deities and the dead could pass to their doubles in the newly invented sky-heaven. i he sun-god Re was represented in his temple not by an anthropoid statue, but by an obelisk,^ the gilded apex of which pointed to heaven and " drew down " the dazzling rays of the sun, reflected from its polished surface, so that all the worshippers could see the manifestations of the god in his temple. These events are important, not only for creating the sky-gods and the sky-heaven, but possibly also for suggesting the idea that even a mere pillar of stone, whether carved or uncarved, upon which no at- tempt had been made to model the human form, could represent the deity, or rather could become the " body " to be animated by the god."^ For once it was admitted, even in the home of these ancient ideas concerning the animation of statues, that it was not essential for the idol to be shaped into human form, the way was opened for less cultured peoples, who had not acquired the technical skill to carve statues, simply to erect stone pillars or unshaped masses of stone or ^ L. Borchardt, " Das Re-heilig'cum des Kcnigs Ne-woser-re ". For a good exposition of this matter see A. Moret, " Sancta- aires de I'ancien Empire Egyptian, ", Ainiales du Musce Gnn/iel, 1912, p. 265. " It is possible that the ceremony of erecting the dad columns may have played some part in the development of these beliefs. (On this see A. Moret, "Mysteres Egyptians," 1913, pp. 13-17.) INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 39 wood for their gods to enter, when the appropriate ritual of animation was performed.^ This conception of the possibility of gods, men, or animals dwelling in stones spread in course of time throughout the world, but in eveiy place where it is found certain arbitrary details of the methods of animating the stone reveal the fact that all these legends must have been derived from the same source. The complementary belief in the possibility of the petrifaction of men and animals has a similarly extensive geographical distribution. The history of this remarkable incident I shall explain in the lecture on "Dragons and Rain Gods" (Chapter II.)." The Worship of the Cow. Intimately linked with the subjects I have been discussing is the worship of the cow. It would lead me too far afield to enter into the details of the process by which the earliest Mother-Goddesses became so closely associated or even identified with the cow, and why the cow's horns became associated with the moon among the emblems ^ Many other factors played a part in the development of the stories of the birth of ancestors from stones. I have already referred to the origin of the idea of the cowry (or sonn.e other shell) as the parent of mankind. The place of the shell was often taken by roughly carved stones, which of course were accredited with the same power of being able to produce men, or of being a sort of egg from which human beings could be hatched. It is unlikely that the finding of fossilized animals played any leading role in the development of these beliefs, beyond affording corroborative evidence in support of them after other circumstances ha:! been responsible for originating the stories. The more circumstantial Oriental stories of the splitting of stones giving birth to heroes and gods may have been suggested by the finding in pebbles of fossilized shells— themselves regarded already as the parents of mankind. But such interpretations were only possible be- cause all the predisposing circumstances had already prepared the way for the acceptance of these specific illustrations of a general theory. These beliefs may have developed before and quite independently of the ideas concerning the animation of statues ; but if so the latter e\ ent would have strengthened and in some places become merged with the other story. " For an extensive collection of these remarkable petrifaction legends in almost every part of the world, see E. Sidney Hartland's "The Legend of Perseus," especially Volumes I and III. These distinctive stories will be found to be complexly interwoven with all the matters discussed in this address. 60 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON of Hathor. But it is essential that reference should be made to certain aspects of the subject. I do not think there is any evidence to justify the common theory that the likeness of the crescent moon to a cow's horns was the reason for the association. On the other hand, it is clear that both the moon and the cow became identified with the Mother-Goddess quite inde- pendently the one of the other, and at a very remote period. It is probable that the fundamental factor in the development of this association of the cow and the Mother- Goddess was the fact of the use of milk as food for human beings. For if the cow could assume this maternal function she was in fact a sort of foster-mother of mankind ; and in course of time she came to be regarded as the actual mother of the human race and to be identified with the Great Mother. Many other considerations helped in this process of assimilation. The use of cattle not merely as meat for the sustenance of the living but as the usual and most characteristic life-giving food for the dead naturally played a part in conferring divinity upon the cow, just as an analogous relationship made incense a holy substance and was re- sponsible for the personification of the incense-tree as a goddess. This influence was still further emphasized in the case of cattle because they also supplied the blood which was used for the ritual purpose of bestowing consciousness upon the dead, and in course of time upon the gods also, so that they might hear and attend to the prayers of supplicants. Other circumstances emphasize the significance attached to the cow : but it is difficult to decide whether they contributed in any way to the development of these beliefs or were merely some of the practices which were the result of the divination of the cow. The custom of placing butter in the mouths of the dead, in Egypt, Uganda, and India, the various ritual uses of milk, the employment of a cow's hide as a wrapping for the dead in the grave, and also in certain mysterious ceremonies,^ all indicate the intimate con- nexion between the cow and the means of attaining a rebirth in the life to come. I think there are definite reasons for believing that once the cow became identified with the Mother-Goddess as the parent of mankind ^ See A. Moret, op. cit. p. 81, inter alia. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 61 the first step was taken in the development of the curious system of ideas now known as " totemism . This, however, is a complex problem which I cannot stay to discuss here. When the cow became identified with the Great Mother and the moon was regarded as the dwelling or the personification of the same goddess, the Divine Cow by a process of confused syncretism came to be regarded as the sky or the heavens, to which the dead were raised up on the cow's back. When Re became the dominant deity, he was identified with the sky, and the sun and moon were then regarded as his eyes. Thus the moon, as the Great Mother as well as the Eye of Re, was the bond of identification of the Great Mother with an eye. This was probably how the eye acquired the animating powers of the Giver of Life. A whole volume might be written upon the almost world-wide diffusion of these beliefs regarding the cow, as far as Scotland and Ireland in the west, and in their easterly migration probably as far as America, to the confusion alike of its ancient artists and its modern ethnologists.^ As an illustration of the identification of the cow's attributes with those of the life-giving Great Mother, I might refer to the late Pro- fessor Moulton's commentary" on the ancient h-anian Gathas, where cow's flesh is given to mortals by Yima to make them immortal. " May we connect it with another legend whereby at the Regenera- tion Mithra is to make men immortal by giving them to eat the fat of the . . . primeval Cow from whose slain body, according to the Aryan legends adopted by Mithraism, mankind was first created ? " " ^ See the Copan sculptured monuments described by Maudslay in Godman and Salvia's " Biologia Centrali- Americana," Archasology, Plate 46, representing " Stela D," with two serpents in the places oc- cupied by the Indian elephants in Stela B — concerning which see Nature, November 25, 1915. To one of these intertwined serpents is attached a cow-headed human daemon. Compare also the Chiriqui figure depicted by by MacCurdy, " A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities," Yale University Press, 1911, fig. 361, p. 209. '^ " Early Religious Poetry of Persia," pp. 42 and 43. ^ Op. cit. p. 43. But I think these legends accredited to the Aryans owe their parentage to the same source as the Egyptian beliefs concerning the cow, and especially the remarkable mysteries upon which Moret has been endeavouring to throw some light — " Mysteies Egyptiens," p. 43. 62 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON The Diffusion of Culture. In these pages I have made no attempt to deal with the far-reach- ing and intricate problems of the diffusion abroad of the practices and beliefs which I have been discussing. But the thoughts and the aspira- tions of every cultured people are permeated through and through with their influence. It is important to remember that in almost every stage of the de- velopment of these complex customs and ideas not merely the " finished product " but also the ingredients out of which it was built up were being scattered abroad. I shall briefly refer to certain evidence from Asia and America in illustration of this fact and in substantiation of the reality of the diffusion to the East of some of the beliefs I have been discussing. The unity of Egyptian and Babylonian ideas is nowhere more strikingly demonstrated than in the essential identity of the attributes of Osiris and Ea. It affords the most positive proof of the derivation of the beliefs from some common source, and reveals the fact that Egyptian and Sumerian civilizations must have been in intimate cultural contact at the beginning of their developmental history. " In Baby- lonia, as in Egypt, there were differences of opinion regarding the origin of life and the particular natural element which represented the vital principle." " One section of the people, who were represented by the worshippers of Ea, appear to have believed that the essence of life was contained in water. The god of Eridu was the source of the ' v/ater of life '." ^ " Offerings of water and food were made to the dead," not primarily so that they might be " prevented from troubling the living,"" but to supply them with the means of sustenance and to ^ Donald A. Mackenzie, " Myths of Babylonia and Assyria," p. 44 et seq. " Dr. Alan Gardiner has protested against the assertions of " some Egyptologists, influenced more by anthropological theorists than by the un- ambiguous evidence of the Egyptian texts," to the effect that " the funerary rites and practices of the Egyptians were in the main precautionary measures serving to protect the living against the dead " (Article " Life and Death (Egyptian)," Hastings' Encydopcedia of Religion and Ethics). I should like to emphasize the fact that the " anthropological theorists," who so frequently put forward these claims have little more justification for them than " some INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 63 reanimate them to help the suppliants. It is a common belief that these and other procedures were inspired by fear of the dead. But such a statement does not accurately represent the attitude of mind of the people who devised these funerary ceremonies. For it is not the enemies of the dead or those against whom he had a grudge that run a risk at funerals, but rather his friends ; and the more deeply he was attached to a particular person the greater the danger for the latter. For among many people the belief obtains that when a man dies he will endeavour to steal the " soul -substance" of those who are dearest to him so that they may accompany him to the other world. But as stealing the " soul-substance " ' means death, it is easy to misunderstand such a display of affection. Hence most people who long for life and hate death do their utmost to evade such embarrassing tokens of love ; and most ethnologists, misjudging such actions, write about " appeasing the dead ". It was those whom the gods loved who died young. Ea was not only the god of the deep, but also " lord of life," kmg of the river and god of creation. Like Osiris " he fertilized parched and sunburnt wastes through rivers and irrigating canals, and conferred upon man the sustaining ' food of life .... The goddess of the dead commanded her servant to ' sprinkle the Lady Ishtar with the water of life ' " {pp. cit. p. 44). In Chapter III. of Mr. Mackenzie's book, from which I have just Egyptologists ". Careful study of the best evidence from Babylonia, India, Indonesia, and Japan, reveals the fact that anthropologists who make such claims have in many cases misinterpreted the facts. In an article on "Ances- tor Worship " by Professor Nobushige Hozumi in A. Stead's " Japan by the Japanese" (1904) the true point of view is put very clearly : "The origin of ancestor-worship is ascribed by many eminent writers to the dread of o;Jiosts and the sacrifices made to the souls of ancestors for the purpose of propitiating them. It appears to me more correct to attribute the origin of ancestor-worship to a contrary cause. It was the love of ancestors, not the dread of them " [Here he quotes the Chinese philosophers Shiu-ki and Confucius in corroborationl that impelled men to worship. " We celebrate the anniversary of our ancestors, pay visits to their graves, offer flowers, food and drink, burn incense and bow before their tombs, entirely from a feeling of love and respect for their memory, and no question or 'dread' enters our minds in doing so" (pp. 281 and 282). [See, however, Appendix B, p. 74.] ^ For, as I have already explained, the idea so commonly and mistakenly conveyed by the term "soul-substance" by writers on Indonesian and Chinese beliefs would be much more accurately rendered simply by the word " life," so that the stealing of it necessarily means death. 64 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON quoted, there is an interesting collection of quotations clearly showing that the conception of the vitalizing properties of the body moisture of gods is not restricted to Egypt, but is found also in Babylonia and India, in Western Asia and Greece, and also in Western Europe. It has been suggested that the name Ishtar has been derived from Semitic roots implying " she vv^ho waters," " she who makes fruitful .^ Barton claims that : "The beginnings of Semitic religion as they were conceived by the Semites themselves go back to sexual relations . . . the Semitic conception of deity . . . embodies the truth — grossly indeed, but nevertheless embodies it — that ' God is love {pp. cit. p. 107). [This statement, however, is very misleading — see Appendix C, p. 75.] Throughout the countries where Semitic' influence spread the primitive Mother- Goddesses or some of their specialized variants are found. But in every case the goddess is associated with many dis- tinctive traits which reveal her identity with her homologues in Cyprus, Babylonia, and Egypt. Among the Sumerians " life comes on earth through the inti'oduc- tion of water and irrigation".^ "Man also results from a union between the water-gods." The Akkadians held views which were almost the direct antithesis of these. To them " the watery deep is disorder, and the cosmos, the order of the world, is due to the victory of a god of light and spring over the monster of winter and water ; man is directly made by the gods ".* " The Sumerian account of Beginnings centres around the produc- tion by the gods of water, Enki and his consort Nin-ella (or Dangal), of a great number of canals bringing rain to the desolate fields of a dry continent. Life both of vegetables and animals follows the profusion of the vivifying waters. ... In the process of life's production besides Enki, the personality of his consort is very conspicuous. She is called ^ Barton, op. cit. p. 105, " The evidence set forth in these pages makes it clear that such ideas are not restricted to the Semites : nor is there any reason to suppose that they originated amongst them. ^ Albert J. Carney, " Iranian Views of Origins in Connexion with Similar Babylonian Beliefs," Journal of the American Oriental Society^ Vol.^ XXXVI, 1916, pp. 300-20. " This is Professor Carney's summary of Professor Jastrow's views as expressed in his article " Sumerian and Akkadian Views of Beginnings ". INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 65 Nhi-Ella, ' the pure Lady,' Da)fi<^al-Nunna, the ' great Lady of the Waters,' Xifi- 71i, ' the Lady of Birth ' " (p. 30 1 ). The child of Enki and Nin-ella was the ancestor of mankind.^ " In later traditions, the personality of that Great Lady seems to have been overshadowed by that of Ishtar, who absorbed several of her functions" (p. 301). Professor Carnoy fully demonstrates the derivation of certain early so-called "Aryan " beliefs from Chaldea. In the Iranian account of the creation "the great spiing Ardvi Sura Anahita is the life-increas- ing, the herd-increasing, the fold-increasing who makes prosperity for all countries (Yt. 5, 1) . . . that precious spring is worshipped as a goddess . . . and is personified as a handsome and stately woman. She is a fair maid, most strong, tall of form, high-girded. Her arms are white and thick as a horse's shoulder or still thicker. She is full of gracefulness" (Yt. 5, 7, 64, 78). " Professor Cumont thinks that Anahita is Ishtar . . . she is a goddess of fecundation and birth. Moreover in Achaemenian inscriptions Anahita is associated with Ahura Mazdah and Mithra, a triad corresponding to the Chaldean triad : Sin-Shamash-Ishtar. 'Ai/cttrt? in Strabo and other Greek writers is treated as \S.(f)poSirr] " (p. 302). But in Mesopotamia also the same views were entertained a5 in Egypt of the functions of statues. " The statues hidden in the recesses of the temples or erected on the summits of the ' Ziggurats ' became imbued, by virtue of their consecration, with the actual body of the god whom they repre- sented." Thus Marduk is said to "inhabit his image" (Maspero, (?/. cil. p. 64). This is precisely the idea which the Egyptians had. Even at the present day it survives among the Dravidian peoples of India." They make images of their village deities, which may be permanent or only temporary, but in any case they are regarded not as actual deities but as the " bodies " so to speak into which these deities can enter. They are sacred only when they are so animated by the goddess. The ^ Jastrow's interpretation of a recently-discovered tablet published by Langdon under the title T/ic Siaiieriari Epic of Paradise, the Flood and the Fall of Man. " I have already (p. 43) mentioned the fact that it is still preserved in China also. 66 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON ritual of animation is essentially identical with that found in Ancient Egypt. Libations are poured out ; incense is burnt ; the bleeding right fore-leg of a buffalo constitutes the blood -offering.' When the deity is reanimated by these procedures and its consciousness restored by the blood-offering it can hear appeals and speak. The same attitude towards their idols was adopted by the Poly- nesians. "The priest usually addressed the image, into which it was imagined the god entered when anyone came to inquire his will." ^ But there are certain other aspects of these Indian customs that are of peculiar interest. In my Ridgeway essay {^op. cit. supra) I referred to the means by which in Nubia the degradation of the oblong Egyptian 77iastaba gave rise to the simple stone circle. This type spread to the west along the North African littoral, and also to the Eastern desert and Palestine. At some subsequent time mariners from the Red Sea introduced this practice into India. [It is important to bear n mind that two other classes of stone circles were invented. One of them was derived, not from the mastaba itself, but from the enclosing wall surrounding it (see my Ridgeway essay. Fig. 13, p. 531, and compare with Figs. 3 and 4, p. 510, for illustrations of the transformed mastaba-Ky^o). This type of circle (enclosing a dolmen) is found both in the Caucasus- Caspian area as well as in India. A highly developed form of this encircling type of structure is seen in the famous rails surrounding the Buddhist ship as and dagabas. A third and later form of circle, of which Stonehenge is an example, was developed out of the much later New Empire Egyptian conception of a temple.] But at the same time, as in Nubia, and possibly in Libya, the mastaba was being degraded into the first of the three main varieties of stone circle, other, though less drastic, forms of simplification of the ^ Henry Whitehead (Bishop of Madras), "The Village Deities of Southern India," Madras Government Museum, Bull., Vol V, No. 3, 1907; Wilber Theodore Elmore, " Dravidian Gods in Modern Hindu- ism : A Study of the Local and Village Deities of Southern India," University Studies: University of Nebraska, Vol. XV, No, 1, Jan., 1915. Compare the sacrifice of the fore-leg of a living calf in Egypt — A. E. P. B. Weigall, " An Ancient Egyptian Funeral Qevemony," Journal of Egyptian Arch(SoIogv,Vo\.\\, 1915, p. 10. Early literary references from Baby- lonia suggest that a similar method of offering blood was practised there. " William Ellis, " Polynesian Researches," 2nd edition, 1832, Vol. I, p. 373. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 67 niastaba were taking place, possibly in Egypt itself, but certainly upon the neighbouring Mediterranean coasts. In some respects the least altered copies of the niastaba are found in the so-called " giant's graves " of Sardinia and the ** horned cairns " of the British Isles. But the real features of the Egyptian serdab^ which was the essential part, the nucleus so to speak, of the ?nasfaba, are best preserved in the so-called "holed dolmens" of the Levant, the Caucasus, and India. [They also occur sporadically in the West, as in France and Britain.] Such dolmens and more simplified forms are scattered in Palestine,' but are seen to best advantage upon the Eastern Littoral of the Black Sea, the Caucasus, and the neighbourhood of the Caspian. They are found only in scattered localities between the Black and Caspian Seas. As de Morgan has pointed out," their distribution is explained by their association with ancient gold and copper mines. They were the tombs of immigrant mining colonies who had settled in these definite localities to exploit these minerals. Now the same types of dolmens, also associated with ancient mines,"^ are found in India. There is some evidence to suggest that these degraded types of Egyptian mastabas were introduced into India at some time after the adoption of the other, the Nubian modification of the mastaba which is represented by the first variety of stone circle.^ I have referred to these Indian dolmens for the specific purpose of illustrating the complexities of the processes of diffusion of culture. For not only have several variously specialized degradation-products of the same original type of Egyptian niastaba reached India, possibly by different routes and at different times, but also many of the ideas ' See H. Vincent, " Canaan d'apres rexploration recente," Paris, 1907, p. 395. " " Les Premieres Civilizations, " Paris, 1909, p. 404 : Memoires de la Delegation en Perse, Tome VIII, arched. ; and Mission Scientifique au Caucase, Tome I. " W, J. Perry, " The Relationship between the Geographical Distri- bution of Megalithic Monuments and Ancient Mines," Moiioirs and Pro- ceedings of flic Manchester Literary a^td Philosophical Socirty, Vol. 60, PartI, 24th Nov., 1915. ^ The evidence for this is being prepared for publication by Captain Leonard Munn, R.E., who has personally collected the data in Hydera- bad. 68 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON that developed out of the funerary ritual in Egypt^of which the mastaha was merely one of the manifestations — made their way to India at various times and became secondarily blended with other expressions of the same or associated ideas there. I have already referred to the essential elements of the Egyptian funerary ritual — the statues, incense, libations, and the rest — as still persisting among the Dra vidian peoples. But in the Madras Presidency dolmens are found converted into Siva temples.^ Now in the inner chamber of the shrine — which represents the homologue of the serdab — in place of the statue or bas-relief of the deceased or of the deity, which is found in some of them (see Plate I), there is the stone linga-yoni emblem in the posi- tion corresponding to that in which, in the later temple in the same locality (Kambaduru), there is an image of Pai^vati, the consort of Siva. The earliest deities in Egypt, both Osiris and Hathor, were really expressions of the creative principle. In the case of Hathor, the goddess was, in fact, the personification of the female organs of reproduction." In these early Siva temples in India these principles of creation were given their literal interpretation, and represented frankly as the organs of reproduction of the two sexes. The gods of creation were symbolized by models in stone of the creating organs. Further illustrations of the same principle are witnessed in the Indonesian megalithic monuments which Perry calls " dissoliths "." The later Indian temples, both Buddhist and Hindu, were developed from these early dolmens, as Mr. Longhurst's reports so clearly demonstrate. But from time to time there was an influx of new ideas from the West which found expression in a series of modi- fications of the architecture. Thus India provides an admirable illustration of this principle of culture contact. A series of waves of megalithic culture introduced purely Western ideas. These were developed by the local people in their own way, constantly inter- mingling a variety of cultural influences to weave them into a dis- ^ Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Southern Circle, Madras, for the year 1915-1916. See for example Mr. A. H. Longhurst's photographs and plans (Plates 1-IV) and especially that of the old Siva temple at Kambaduru, Plate IV {b). " As I shall show in " The Birth of Aphrodite " (Chapter III). ^W. J. Perry, "The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia". INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 69 tinctive fabric, which was compounded partly of imported, partly of local threads, woven locally into a truly Indian pattern. In this pro- cess of development one can detect the effects of Mycenean accretions (see for example Longhurst's Plate Xlll), probably modified during its indirect transmission by Phoenician and later influences ; and also the more intimate part played by Babylonian, Egyptian, and, later, Greek and Persian art and architecture in directing the course of development of Indian culture. Incidentally, in the course of the discussions in the foregoing pages, i have referred to the profound influence of Egyptian, Babylonian and Indian ideas in Eastern Asia. Perry's important book {pp. cit. supra) reveals their efforts in Indonesia. Thence they spread across the Pacific to America. In the " Migrations of Early Culture " (p. I 14) I called attention to the fact that among the Aztecs water was poured upon the head of the mummy. This ritual procedure was inspired by the Egyptian idea of libations, for, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, the pour- ing out of the water was accompanied by the remark " C est cette eau que tu as re^ue en venant au monde '. But incense-burning and blood-offering were also practised in America. In an interesting memoir ^ on the practice of blood-letting by piercing the ears and tongue, Mrs. Zelia Nuttall reproduces a re- markable picture from a " partly unpublished MS. of Sahagun's work preserved in Florence ". " The image of the sun is held up by a man whose body is partly hidden, and two men, seated opposite to each other in the foreground, are in the act of piercing the helices or external borders of their ears." But in addition to these blood-offer- ings to the sun, two priests are burning incense in remarkably Egyptian- like censers, and another pair are blowing conch-shell trumpets. But it was not merely the use of incense and libations and the identities in the wholly arbitrary attributes of the American pantheon that reveal the sources of their derivation in the Old World. When the Spaniards first visited Yucatan they found traces of a Maya bap- tismal rite which the natives called ziki/, signifying " to be born again ". At the ceremony also incense was burnt.' ^ " A Penitential Rite of the Ancient Mexicans," Archaeological and Ethnological Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. I, No. 7. 1904. - Bancroft, op. cit. Vol. 11, pp. 682 and 683. 70 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON The forehead, the face, the fingers and toes were moistened. " After they had been thus sprinkled with water, the priest arose and removed the cloths from the heads of the children, and then cut off with a stone knife a certain bead that was attached to the head from childhood." ^ [The custom of wearing such a bead during childhood is found in Egypt at the present day.] In the case of the girls, their mothers " divested them of a cord which was worn during their childhood, fastened round the loins, having a small shell that hung in front (* una conchuela asida que les venia a dar encima de la parte honesta ' — Landa). The removal of this signified that they could marry." "^ This use of shells is found in the Soudan and East Africa at the present day."* The girdle upon which the shells were hung is the prototype of the cestus of Hathor, Ishtar, Aphrodite, Kali and all the goddesses of fertility in the Old World. It is an admirable illustration of the fact that not only were the finished products, the goddesses and their fantastic repertory of attributes, transmitted to the New World, but also the earliest and most primitive ingredients out of which the complexities of their traits were compounded. In Chapter III ("The Birth of Aphrodite") I shall explain what an important part the invention of this girdle played in the develop- ment of the material side of civilization and the even vaster influence it exerted upon beliefs and ethics. It represents the first stage in the evolution of clothing ; and it was responsible for originating the belief in love-philtres and in the possibility of foretelling the future. It would lead me too far from my main purpose in this book to discuss the widespread geographical distribution and historical associa- tions of the customs of baptism and pouring libations among different peoples. I may, however, refer the reader to an article by Mr. Elsdon Best, entitled " Ceremonial Performances Pertaining to Birth, as Performed by the Maori of New Zealand in Past Times" {Journal of the Royal Anthropological histitute, Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 127), which sheds a clear light upon the general problem. The whole subject of baptismal ceremonies is well worth detailed study as a remarkable demonstration of the spread of culture in early times. ' Op. cit. p. 684. - Ibid. " See J. Wilfrid Jackson, op. cit. supra. Fig. 6.— Rei'kesentation ok the ancient Mexican wokshii' of the Sin I'he image of the sun is held up by a man in front of his face ; two men blow conch-shell trumpets; another pair burn incense; and a third pair make blood-offerings by piercing their ears — after Zelia Nuttall. INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 71 Summary. In these pages I have ranged over a very wide field of speculation, groping in the dim shadows of the early history of civilization. I have been attempting to pick up a few of the threads which ultimately be- came woven into the texture of human beliefs and aspirations, and to suggest that the practice of mummification was the woof around which the web of civilization was intimately intertwined. I have already explained how closely that practice was related to the oiigin and development of architecture, which Professor Lethaby has called the " matrix of ciNilization," and how nearly the ideas that grew up in explanation and in justification of the ritual of embalming were affected by the practice of agriculture, the second great pillar of support for the edifice of civilization. It has also been shown how far-reaching was the influence exerted by ihe needs of the embalmer, which impelled men, probably for the first time in history, to plan and carry out great expeditions by sea and land to obtain the necessary resins and the balsams, the wood and the spices. Incidentally also in course of time the practice of mummification came to exert a pro- found effect upon the means for the acquisition of a knowledge of medicine and all the sciences ancillary to it. But I have devoted chief attention to the bearing of the ideas which developed out of the practice and ritual of embalming upon the spirit of man. It gave shape and substance to the belief in a future life ; it was perhaps the most important factor in the develop- ment of a definite conception of the gods : it laid the foundation of the ideas which subsequently were built up into a theory of the soul : in fact, it was intimately connected with the birth of all those ideals and aspirations which are nov/ included in the conception of religious belief and ritual. A multitude of other trains of thought were started amidst the intellectual ferment of the formulation of the earliest con- crete system of biological theory. The idea of the properties and functions of water which had previously sprung up in connexion with the development of agriculture became crystallized into a more definite form as the result of the development of mummification, and this has played an obtrusive part in religion, in philosophy and in medicine ever since. Moreover its influence has become embalmed for all time in many languages and in the ritual of every religion. 72 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON But it was a factor in the development not merely of religious be- liefs, temples and ritual, but it was also very closely related to the origin of much of the paraphernalia of the gods and of current popular beliefs. The swastika and the thunderbolt, dragons and demons, totemism and the sky-world are all of them conceptions that were more or less closely connected with the matters I have been dis- cussing. The ideas which grew up in association with the practice of mummification were responsible for the development of the temple and its ritual and for a definite formulation of the conception of deities. But they were also responsible for originating a priesthood. For the resuscitation of the dead king, Osiris, and for the maintenance of his existence it was necessary for his successor, the reigning king, to per- form the ritual of animation and the provision of food and drink. The king, therefore, was the first priest, and his functions were not primarily acts of worship but merely the necessary preliminaries for restoring life and consciousness to the dead seer so that he could con- sult him and secure his advice and help. It was only when the number of temples became so great and their ritual so complex and elaborate as to make it a physical impossi- bihty for the king to act in this capacity in all of them and on every occasion that he was compelled to delegate some of his priestly func- tions to others, either members of the royal family or high officials. In course of time certain individuals devoted themselves exclusively to these duties and became professional priests ; but it is important to remember that at first it was the exclusive privilege of Horus, the reigning king, to intercede with Osiris, the dead king, on behalf of men, and that the earliest priesthood consisted of those individuals to whom he had delegated some of these duties. In conclusion I should like to express in words what must be only too apparent to every reader of this statement. It claims to be noth- ing more than a contribution to the study of some of the most difficult problems in the history of human thought. For one so ill-equipped for a task of such a nature as I am to attempt it calls for a word of explanation. The clear light that recent research has shed upon the earliest literature in the world has done much to destroy the founda- tions upon which the theories propounded by scholars have been built up. It seemed to be worth while to attempt to read afresh the volu- INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 73 minous mass of old documents with the illumination of this new in- formation. The other reason for making such an attempt is that almost every modern scholar who has discussed the matters at issue has assumed that the fashionable doctrine of the independent development of human beliefs and practices was a safe basis upon which to construct his theories. At best it is an unproven and reckless speculation. I am convinced it is utterly false. Holding such views 1 have attempted to read the evidence afresh. APPENDIX A. On re-reading the discussion of the significance of the ka \ realize that, In striving after brevity and conciseness — to keep the size of my statement NN-ithin the limits of the Bul/elin of the John Ry lands Library, generously elastic though it is — I have left the argument in a rather nebulous form. it must not be imagined that a concrete-minded people like the ancient Egyptians entertained highly abstract and ethereal ideas about " the soul ". They recognized that all the expressions of consciousness and personality could cease during sleep ; and at the same time the phenomena of dreams seemed to afford evidence that these absent elements of the individual's being were enjoying real experiences elsewhere. Thus there was an alter ego, identified by this matter-of-fact people with the twin (placenta) which was born with the child and was clearly concerned with its physical and intellectual nourishment — for it was obviously connected by its stalk to the embryo like a tree to its roots, and it seemed to be composed of blood, which was regarded as the vehicle of mind. But this intellectual " twin " kept pace in its growth with the physical body. When a statue was made to represent the latter the ka could dwell in the real body or the statue. The identification of the placenta with the moon helped the growth of the conception that this " birth-promoter * could not only bring about a re-birth in the life to come, but also facilitate a transference to the sky- world. The placenta had already been superintending the deceased's welfare upon earth and would continue to do so when he rejoined his ka in the sky world. The complexity of the conception is due to the fact that the simple early belief in " a double " was gradually elaborated, as one new idea after another became added to it, and rationalized to blend with the former complex in an increasingly involved synthesis. It was only when the 74 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON elaborate scaffolding of material factors was cleared away that a more ethereal conception of " the soul " was sublimated. APPENDIX B. I should like to emphasize the fact that my protest (on p. 63) was directed against the claim that the custom of offering food and drink to the dead was inspired primarily to prevent them from troubling the living. Its original purpose was to sustain and reanimate the dead ; but, of course, when its real meaning was forgotten, it was explained in a great variety of ways by the people who made a practice of presenting offerings to the dead without really knowing why they did so. Dr. Alan Gardiner himself has made a statement which casual readers (i.e., those who do not discriminate between the motive for the invention of a procedure and the reasons subsequently given for its continuance) might regard as a contradiction of my quotation from his writings on p. 62. Thus he says: "Any god could doubtless attack human beings, but savage and malicious deities, like Seth [Set], the murderer of Osiris, or Sakhmet, [Sekhet], the ' lady of pestilence' {jib-t 'idui), were doubtless most to be feared." [This attitude of the malignant goddesses is revealed in a most obtrusive form in the village deities of the Dravidians of Southern India.] " The dead were specially to be feared ; nor was it only those dead who were unhappy or unburied that might torment the living, for the magician sometimes warns them that their tombs are endangered" (Article " Magic (Egyptian)," Hastings' Encycl. Ethics and Religion, p. 264). But it is important to bear in mind, as the same scholar has explciined else- where [" Life and Death (Egyptian)," Hastings Encycl., p. 23] : " Noth- ing could be farther from the truth [than the statement that ' the funerary rites and practices of the Egyptians were in the main precautionary measures serving to protect the living against the dead '] ; it is of funda- mental importance to realize that the vast stores of wealth and thought ex- pended by the Egyptians on their tombs — that wealth and that thought which created not only the pyramids, but also the practice of mummification and a very extensive funerary literature — -were due to the anxiety of each member of the community with regard to his own individual future welfare, and not to feelings of respect, or fear, or duty felt towards the other dead." It was only in response to certain binding obligations that the living observed all those costly and troublesome rules which were believed to in- sure the welfare of the deceased. But this recognition of the primary and real purpose of the food offerings as sustenance for the dead or the gods INCENSE AND LIBATIONS 75 must not be allowed to blind us to the fact that there is widespread through- out the world a real fear of the dead and ghosts, and that in many places food-offerings are made for the specific purpose " of appeasing the fairies ' . Mr. Donald Mackenzie tells me that offerings of milk and porridge are made at the stone monuments in Scotland, and children carry meal in their pockets to protect themselves from the fairies. For the dead went to Fairyland. Beliefs of a similar kind can be collected from most parts of the world : but the point I specially want to emphasize is that they are secondary rationalizations of a custom which originally had an utterly different signific- ance. APPENDIX C. Prof. Barton's statement {supra, p. 64) is typical of a widespread mis- apprehension, resulting from the confusion between sexual relations and the giving of life. At first primitive people did not realize that the mani- festations of the sex instinct had anything whatever to do with reproduction. They were aware of the fact that women gave birth to children ; and the organ concerned in this process was regarded as the giver of life, the creator. The apotheosis of these powers led to the conception of the first deity. But it was only secondarily that these life-giving attributes were brought into association vrith the sexual act and the masculine powers of fertilization. Much confusion has been created by those writers who see manifestations of the sexual factor and phallic ideas in evei7 aspect of primitive religion, where in most cases only the power of life-giving plays a part. Chapter II. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS.^ AN adequate account of the development of the dragon-legend would represent the history of the expression of mankind's aspirations and fears during the past fifty centuries and more. For the dragon was evolved along with civilization itself. The search for the elixir of life, to turn back the years from old age and confer the boon of immortality, has been the great driving force that compelled men to build up the material and the intellectual fabric of civilization. The dragon-legend is the history of that search which has been pre- served by popular tradition : it has grown up and kept pace with the constant struggle to grasp the unattainable goal of men's desires ; and the story has been constantly growing in complexity, as new incidents were drawn within its scope and confused with old incidents whose real meaning was forgotten or distorted. It has passed through all the phases with which the study of the spreading of rumours or the develop- ment of dreams has familiarized students of psychology. The simple original stories, which become blended and confused, theii* meaning dis- torted and reinterpreted by the rationalizing of incoherent incidents, are given the dramatic form with which the human mind invests all stories that make a strong appeal to its emotions, and then secondarily elaborated with a wealth of circumstantial detail. This is the history of popular legends and the development of rumours. But these phenomena are displayed in their most emphatic form in dreams.' In his waking state man restrains his roving fancies and exercises what Freud has called a "censorship ' over the stream of his thoughts : but when he falls asleep, the *' censor" dozes also ; and free rein is given to his un- ^ An elaboration of a Lecture delivered in the John Rylands Library on 8 November, 1916. ' In his lecture, " Dreams and Primitive Culture," delivered at the John Rylands Library on 10 April, 1918, Dr. Rivers has expounded the principles of dream-development. 76 DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 77 restrained fancies to make a hotch-potch of the most varied and unre- lated incidents, and to create a fantastic mosaic buih up from fragments of his actual experience, bound together by the cement of his aspirations and fears. The myth resembles the dream because it has developed without any consistent and effective censorship. The individual who tells one particular phase of the story may exert the controlling influence of his mind over the version he narrates : but as it is handed on from man to man and generation to generation the " censorship " also is con- stantly changing. This lack of unity of control implies that the de- velopment of the myth is not unlike the building-up of a dream-stoiy. But the dragon-myth is vastly more complex than any dream, because mankind as a whole has taken a hand in the process of shaping it ; and the number of centuries devoted to this work of elaboration has been far greater than the years spent by the average individual in accumulat- ing the stuff of which most of his dreams have been made. But though the myth is enormously complex, so vast a mass of detailed evidence concerning every phase and every detail of its histoiy has been preserved, both in the literature and the folk-lore of the world, that we are able to submit it to psychological analysis and determine the course of its development and the significance of every incident in its tortuous rambling. In instituting these comparisons between the development of myths and dreams, I should like to emphasize the fact that the interpretation of the uiytk proposed in these pages is almost diametrically opposed to that suggested by Freud, and pushed to a reductio ad abstirduvi by his more reckless followers, and especially by Yung. The dragon has been described as " the most venerable symbol employed in ornamental art and the favourite and most highly decora- tive motif in artistic design ". It has been the inspiration of much, if not most, of the world's great literature in every age and clime, and the nucleus around which a wealth of ethical symbolism has accumu- lated throughout the ages. The dragon-myth represents also the earliest doctrine or systematic theory of astronomy and meteorology. In the course of its romantic and chequered history the dragon has been identified v\nth all of the gods and all of the demons of every religion. But it is most intimately associated with the earliest stratum of divinities, for it has been homologized with each of the members of the earliest Trinity, the Great Mother, the Water God, and the 78 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON Warrior Sun God, both individually and collectively. To add to the complexities of the story, the dragon-slayer is also represented by the same deities, either individually or collectively ; and the weapon wdth which the hero slays the dragon is also homologous both with him and his victim, for it is animated by him who wields it, and its powers of destruction make it a symbol of the same power of evil which it itself destroys. Such a fantastic paradox of contradictions has supplied the materials with which the fancies of men of every race and land, and every stage of knowledge and ignorance, have been playing for all these centuries. It is not surprising, therefore, that an endless series of variations of the story has been evolved, each decked out with topical allusions and distinctive embellishments. But throughout the complex tissue of this highly embroidered fabric the essential threads of the web and woof of its foundation can be detected with surprising constancy and regu- larity. Within the limits of such an account as this it is obvious that I can deal only with the main threads of the argument and leave the interest- ing details of the local embellishments until some other time. The fundamental element in the dragon's powers is the control of water. Both in its beneficent and destructive aspects water was regarded as animated by the dragon, who thus assumed the role of Osiris or his enemy Set. But when the attributes of the Water God became confused with those of the Great Mother, and her evil avatar, the lioness (Sekhet) form of Hathor in Egypt, or in Babylonia the destructive Tiamat, became the symbol of disorder and chaos, the dragon became identified with her also. Similarly the third member of the Earliest Trinity also became the dragon. As the son and successor of the dead king Osiris the living king Horus became assimilated with him. When the belief became more and more insistent that the dead king had acquired the boon of immortality and was really alive, the distinction between him and the actually living king Horus became correspondingly minimized. This process of assimilation was advanced a further stage when the king became a god and was thus more closely identified with his father and predecessor. Hence Horus assumed many of the functions of Osiris ; and amongst them those which in foreign lands contributed to making a dragon of the Water God. But if the distinction be- DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 79 tween Horus and Osiris became more and more attenuated with the lapse of time, the identification with his mother Hathor (Isis) was more complete still. For he took her place and assumed many of her attri- butes in the later versions of the great saga which is the nucleus of all the literature of mythology — ^1 refer to the story of "The Destruction of Mankind ". The attributes of these three members of the Trinity, Hathor, Osiris, and Horus, thus became intimately linked the one with the other ; and in Susa, where the earliest pictorial representation of a real dragon developed, it received concrete form (Fig. 1) as a mon- ster compounded of the lioness of Hathor (Sekhet) with the falcon (or eagle) of Horus, but with the human attributes and water- control ling powers which originally belonged to Osiris. In some parts of Ahica "Fig. I. — Early Representation of a "Dragon" Compounded of the Forepart of an Eagle and the HiNDPART OF A LiON — (froiTi an Archaic Cylinder-seal from Susa, after Jequier). Fig. 2. — The Earliest Babylonian Con- ception OF THE Dragon Tiamat — (from a Cylinder-seal in the British Museum, after L. W. King). the earliest "dragon" was nothing more than Hathor's cow or the gazelle or antelope of Horus (Osiris) or of Set. But if the dragon was compounded of all three deities, who was the slayer of the evil dragon ? The story of the dragon-conflict is really a recital of Horus's vendetta against Set, intimately blended and confused with different versions of " The Destruction of Mankind ".^ The commonplace incidents of the originally prosaic stories were distorted into an almost unrecognizable form, then secondarily elaboiated without any attention to their original meaning, but with a wealth of circumstantial embellish- ment, in accordance with the usual methods of the human mind that I have already mentioned. The history of the legend is in fact the most complete, because it is the oldest and the most widespread, illus- tration of those instinctive tendencies of the human spirit to bridge the ^ Vide infra, p. \{f) et seq. 80 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON gaps in its disjointed experience, and to link together in a kind of mental mosaic the otherwise isolated incidents in the (acts of daily life and the rumours and traditions that have been handed down h'om the story-teller's predecessors. In the " Destruction of Mankind," which I shall discuss more fully in the following pages (p. 109 et seq?), Hathor does the slaying : in the later stories Horus takes his mother's place and earns his spurs as the Warrior Sun-god : ^ hence confusion was inevitably introduced between the enemies of Re, the original victims in the legend, and Horus's traditional enemies, the followers of Set. Against the latter it was Osiris himself who fought originally ; and in many of the non- Egyptian variants of the legend it is the rain-god himself who is the warrior. Hence all three members of the Trinity were identified, not only with the dragon, but also with the hero who was the dragon- slayer. But the weapon used by the latter was also animated by the same Trinity, and in fact identified wath them. In the Saga of the Winged Disk, Horus assumed the form of the sun equipped with the wangs of his own falcon and the fire- spitting uraeus serpents. Flying down from heaven in this form he was at the same time the god and the god's weapon. As a fiery bolt from heaven he slew the enemies of Re, who were now identified with his own personal foes, the followers of Set. But in the earlier versions of the myth (i.e. the " Destruction of Man- kind "), it was Hathor who was the " Eye of Re " and descended from heaven to destroy mankind with fire ; she also was the vulture (Mut) ; and in the earliest version she did the slaughter with a knife or an axe with which she was animistically identified. But Osiris also was the weapon of destruction, both in the form of the flood (for he was the personification of the river) and the rain-storms from heaven. But he was also an instrument for vanquishing the demon, when the intoxicating beer or the sedative drink (the potency of which was due to the indwelling spirit of the god) was the chosen means of overcoming the dragon. This, in brief, is the framework of the dragon- story. The early Trinity as the hero, armed with the Trinity as weapon, slays the ^ Hence soldiers killed in battle and women dying in childbirth receive special consideration in the exclusive heaven of (Osiris's) Horus's Indian and American representatives, Indra and Tlaloc. Fjg. y. — .A Medi.i;val Picturk of a Chinese Dragon upon its cloud (After the late Professor \V. Anderson) \ Fig. 8. — A Chinese Dragon (After de Groot) Fig. g. — Dragon fkom the Ishtar Gate of Babylon .ii:^ Fig. id. — Babylonian Weather God DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 81 dragon, which again is the same Trinity. With its illimitable possibili- ties for dramatic development and fantastic embellishment with incident and ethical symbolism, this theme has provided countless thousands of story-tellers with the skeleton which they clothed with the living flesh of their stories, representing not merely the earliest theories of as- tronomy and meteorology, but all the emotional conflicts of daily life, the struggle between light and darkness, heat and cold, right and wrong, justice and injustice, prosperity and adversity, wealth and poverty. The whole gamut of human strivings and emotions was drawn into the legend until it became the great epic of the human spirit and the main theme that has appealed to the interest of all mankind in every age. An ancient Chinese philosopher, Wang Fu, writing in the time of the Han Dynasty, enumerates the "nine resemblances" of the dragon. " His horns resemble those of a stag, his head that of a camel, his eyes those of a demon, his neck that of a snake, his belly that of a clam, his scales those of a carp, his claws those of an eagle, his soles those of a tiger, his ears those of a cow." ' But this list includes only a small minority of the menagerie of diverse creatures which at one time or another have contributed their quota to this truly astounding hotch- potch. This composite wonder- beast ranges from Western Europe to the Far East of Asia, and as we shall see, also even across the Pacific to America. Although in the different localities a great number of most varied ingredients enter into its composition, in most places where the dragon occurs the substratiim of its anatomy consists of a serpent or a crocodile, usually with the scales of a fish for covering, and the feet and wings, and sometimes also the head, of an eagle, falcon, or hawk, and the forelimbs and sometimes the head of a lion. An association of anatomical features of so unnatural and arbitrary a nature can only mean that all dragons are the progeny of the same ultimate ancestors. But it is not merely a case of structural or anatomical similarity, but also of physiological identity, that clinches the proof of the deriva- tion of this fantastic brood from the same parents. Wherever the dragon is found, it displays a special partiality for water. It controls the rivers or seas, dwells in pools or wells, or in the clouds on the tops ^ M. W. de Visser, " The Dragon in China and Japan," Verhandelin- gcn der Koninklijke Akadeinie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdavi, Af dealing Letterkunde, Deel Xlll, No. 2, 1913, p. 70. 6 82 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON of mountains, regulates the tides, the flow of streams, or the rainfall, and is associated with thunder and Ughtning. Its home is a mansion at the bottom of the sea, where it guards vast treasures, usually pearls, but also gold and precious stones. In other instances the dwelling is upon the top of a high mountain ; and the dragon's breath fonns the rain-clouds. It emits thunder and lightning. Eating the dragon's heart enables the diner to acquire the knowledge stored in this " organ of the mind " so that he can understand the language of birds, and in fact of all the creatures that have contributed to the making of a dragon. It should not be necessary to rebut the numerous attempts that have been made to explain the dragon-myth as a story relating to ex- tinct monsters. Such fantastic claims can be made only by writers devoid of any knowledge of palaeontology or of the distinctive features of the dragon and its history. But when the Keeper of the Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum, in a book that is not intended to be humorous,^ seriously claims Dr. Andrews' discovery of a gigantic fossil snake as " proof " of the former existence of " the great serpent-devil Apep," it is time to protest. Those who attempt to derive the dragon from such living creatures as lizards like Draco volans or Moloch horridus " ignore the evidence of the composite and unnatural features of the monsters. " Whatever be the origin of the Northern dragon, the myths, when they first became articulate for us, show him to be in all essen- tials the same as that of the South and East. He is a power of evil, guardian of hoards, the greedy withholder of good things from men ; and the slaying of a dragon is the crowning achievement of heroes — of Siegmund, of Beowulf, of Sigurd, of Arthur, of Tristam — even of Lancelot, the beau ideal of mediaeval chivalry " {Jincyclopcedia Britanmca, vol. viii., p. 467). But if in the West the dragon is usually a "power of evil," in the far East he is equally emphatically a symbol of beneficence. He is identified with emperors and kings ; he is the son of heaven, the bestower of all bounties, not merely to mankind directly, but also to the earth as well. Even in our country his symbolism is not always wholly malevolent, ' E. A. Wallis Budge, " The Gods of the Egyptians," 1904, vol. i., p. n. -Gould's "Mythical Monsters," 1886. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 83 otherwise- — if for the moment we shut our eyes to the history of the development of heraldic ornament — dragons would hardly figure as the supporters of the anns of the City of London, and as the symbol of many of our aristocratic families, among which the Royal House of Tudor is included. It is only a few years since the Red Dragon of Cadwallader was added as an additional badge to the achievement of the Prince of Wales. But, " though a common ensign in war, both in the East and the West, as an ecclesiastical emblem his opposite quali- ties have remained consistently until the present day. V/henever the dragon is represented, it symbolizes the power of evil, the devil and his works. Hell in mediaeval art is a dragon with gaping jaws, belching fire." And in the East the dragon's reputation is not always blameless. For it figures in some disreputable incidents and does not escape the sort of punishment that tradition metes out to his European cousins. The Dragon in America and Eastern Asia. In the early centuries of the Christian era, and probably also even for two or three hundred years earlier still, the leaven of the ancient civilizations of the Old World was at work in Mexico, Central America and Peru. The most obtrusive influences that were brought to bear, especially in the area from Yucatan to Mexico, were inspired by the Cambodian and Indonesian modifications of Indian beliefs and practices. The god who was most often depicted upon the ancient Maya and Aztec codices was the Indian rain-god Indra, who in America was provided with the head of the Indian elephant ^ (i.e. seems to have been confused with the Indian Ganesa) and given other attiibutes more sug- gestive of the Dravidian Naga than his enemy, the Aryan deity. In other words the character of the American god, known as Chac by the Maya people and as Tlaloc by the Aztecs, is an interesting il- lustration of the effects of such a mixture of cultures as Dr. Rivers has studied in Melanesia." Not only does the elephant-headed god in America represent a blend of the two great Indian rain- gods which in the Old World are mortal enemies, the one of the other (partly for ^ " Precolumbian Representations of the Elephant in America," Nature, Nov. 25, 1915, p. 340; Dec. 16, 1915, p. 425; and Jan. 27, 1916, p. 593. ""History of Melanesian Society," Cambridge, 1914. 84 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON the political reason that the Dravidians and Aryans were rival and hostile peoples), but all the ti'aits of each deity, even those depicting the old Aryan conception of their deadly combat, are reproduced in America under circumstances which reveal an ignorance on the part of the artists of the significance of the paradoxical contradictions they are representing. But even many incidents in the early history of the Vedic gods, which were due to arbitrary circumstances in the growth of the legends, reappear in America. To cite one instance (out of scores which might be quoted), in the Vedic story Indra assumed many of the attributes of the god Soma. In America the name of the god of rain and thunder, the Mexican Indra, is TIa/oc, which is generally translated "pulque of the earth," \xom ilal\/\i, "earth," and oc\tli\, "pulque, a fermented drink (like the Indian drink soma) made from the juice of the agave ".^ The so-called "long-nosed god "(the elephant-headed rain-god) has been given the non-committal designation " god B," by Schellhas." I reproduce here a remarkable drawing (Fig. 1 1 ) from the Codex Troano, in which this god, whom the Maya people called Chac, is shown pouring the rain out of a water- jar (just as the deities of Baby- lonia and India are often represented), and putting his foot upon the head of a serpent, who is preventing the rain from reaching the earth. Here we find depicted with childlike simplicity and directness the Vedic conception of Indra overcoming the demon Vritra. Stempell describes this scene as " the elephant-headed god B standing upon the head of a serpent " ; ' while Seler, who claims that god B is a tortoise, explains it as the serpent forming a footstool for the rain-god.^ In the ^ H. Beuchat, "Manuel d' Archeologie Americaine," 1912, p. 319. '" *' Representation of Deities of the Maya Manuscripts," Papers of the Peahody. Aliiseion, vol. iv., 1904. ^ Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, Bd. 40, 1908, p. 716. * *' Die Tierbilder der mexikanischen und der Maya-Handschriften," Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Bd. 42, 1910, pp. 75 and 77. In the remark- able series of drawings from Maya and Aztec sources reproduced by Seler in his articles in the Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, the Peahody Mitsei4ui Papers, and his monograph on the Codex Vaticamis, not only is practically every episode of the dragon-myth of the Old World graphically depicted, but also every phase and incident of the legends from India (and Babylonia, Egypt and the ;^gean) that contributed to the building-up of the myth. I'U;. II. — RliPKODLCTION Ol' A PiCTUKE IN THE MaVA CoDEX TkOANO REPRESENTING THE KaIN-GOD ChAC TREADING UPON THE SeRPENt's HEAD, WHICH IS INTER- POSED BETWEEN THE EARTH AND THE RAIN THE GOD IS POURING OUT OF A BOWL. A RaIN-GODDESS stands UPON THE SeRPENT's TAIL. Fig. 12. — Another representation of the Elephant-headed Rain god. He is HOLDING thunderbolts, CONVENTIONALISED IN A HAND-LIKE FORM. ThE SeRPENT IS CONVERTED INTO A SAC, HOLDING UP THE RAIN-WATERS. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 85 Codex Cortes the same theme is depicted in another way, which is truer to the Indian conception of Vritra, as " the restrainer " ' (Fig. 12). The serpent (the American rattlesnake) restrains the water by coil- ing itself into a sac to hold up the rain and so prevent it from reaching the earth. In the various American codices this episode is depicted in as great a variety of forms as the Vedic poets of India described when they sang of the exploits of Indra. The Maya Chac is, in fact, Indra transferred to the other side of the Pacific and there only thinly dis- guised by a veneer of American stylistic design. But the Aztec god Tlaloc is merely the Chac of the Maya people transferred to Mexico. Schellhas declares that the "god B," the " most common figure in the codices," is a "universal deity to whom the most varied elements, natural phenomena, and activities are subject "• " Many authorities consider God B to represent Kukulkan, the Feathered Serpent, whose Aztec equivalent is Quetzalcoatl. Others identify him with Itzamna, the Serpent God of the East, or with Chac, the Rain God of the four quarters and the equivalent of Tlaloc of the Mexicans." ' From the point of view of its Indian analogies these confusions are peculiarly significant, for the same phenomena are found in India. The snake and the dragon can be either the rain-god of the East or the enemy of the rain-god ; either the dragon-slayer or the evil dragon who has to be slain. The Indian word Ndga, which is applied to the beneficent god or king identified with the cobra, can also mean "elephant," and this double significance probably played a part in the confusion of the deities in America. In the Dresden Codex the elephant-headed god is represented in one place grasping a serpent, in another issuing h'om a serpent's mouth, and again as an actual serpent (Fig. 1 3). Turning next to the attri- butes of these American gods we find that they reproduce with amazing precision those of Indra. Not only were they the divinities who con- trolled rain, thunder, lightning, and vegetation, but they also carried axes and thunderbolts (Fig. 1 3) like their homologues in the Old World. Like Indra, Tlaloc was intimately associated with the East and with the tops of mountains, where he had a special heaven, reserved for ' Compare Hopkins, " Religions of India," p. 94. ■ Herbert J. Spinden, " Maya Art," p. 62. 86 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON waniors who fell in battle and women who died in childbirth. As a water-god also he presided over the souls of the drowned and those who in life suffered from dropsical affections. Indra also specialized in the same branch of medicine. In fact, if one compares the account of Tlaloc's attiibutes and achievements, such as is given in Mr. Joyce's " Mexican Archeology" or Professor Seler's monograph on the "Codex Vaticanus," with Pro- fessor Hopkins's summary of Indra's character (" Religions of India ") the identity is so exact, even in the most arbitrary traits and confusions with other deities' peculiarities, that it becomes impossible for any serious investigator to refuse to admit that Tlaloc and Chac are merely Ameri- can forms of Indra. Even so fantastic a practice as the representation of the American rain-god's face as composed of contorted snakes ^ finds its analogy in Siam, where in relatively recent times this curious device was still being used by artists."^ " As the god of fertility maize belonged to him [Tlaloc], though not altogether by right, for according to one legend he stole it after it had been discovered by other gods concealed in the heart of a mountain. " ^ Indra also obtained soma from the mountain by similar means.* In the ancient civilization of America one of the most prominent deities was called the " Feathered Serpent," in the Maya language, Kukulkan, Quiche Gukumatz, Aztec Quetzalcoatl, the Pueblo ' ' Mother of Waters ". Throughout a very extensive part of America the snake, Uke the Indian Naga, is the emblem of rain, clouds, thunder and lightning. But it is essentially and pre-eminently the symbol of rain ; and the god who controls the rain, Chac of the Mayas, Tlaloc of the Aztecs, carried the axe and the thunderbolt like his homologues and prototypes in the Old World. In America also we find repro- duced in full, not only the legends of the antagonism between the ^ Seler, " Codex Vaticanus," Figs. 299-304. ■' See, for example, F. W. K. Miiller, " Nang," Int. Arch.f. Ethnolog., 1894, Suppl. zu Bd. vii., Taf. vii., where the mask of Ravana (a late sur- rogate of Indra in the Ramayand) reveals a survival of the prototype of the Mexican designs. "Joyce, op. cit., p. 37. "^ For the incident of the stealing of the soma by Garuda, who in this legend is the representative of Indra, see Hopkins, "Religions of India," pp. 360-61. Fia. 13. A photographic reproduction of the 36th page of the Dresden Maya Codex. Of the three pictures in the top row one represents the elephant- headed god Chac with a snake's body He is pouring out rain. The central picture represents the hghtning animal carrying fire down from heaven to earth. On the right Chac is shown in human guise carrying thunderweapons in the form of burning torches. in the second row a goddess sits m the rain : her head is prolonged into that of a bird, holding a fish in its beak. The central picture shows Chac in his boat ferrying a woman across the water from the East. The third illustration depicts the familiar conflict between the vulture and serpent. In the third row Chac is seen with his axe : in the central picture he is standing in the water looking up towards a rain-cloud ; and on the right he is shown sitting in a hut resting from his labours. Fig. 13. — A paok (the 36TH) of the Dresden .Mava Codex DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 87 thunder-bird and the serpent, but also the identification of these two rivals in one composite monster, which, as I have aheady mentioned, is seen in the winged disks, both in the Old World and the New.' Hardly any incident in the histoiy of the Egyptian falcon or the thunder-birds of Babylonia, Greece or India, fails to reappear in America and find pictorial expression in the Maya and Aztec codices. What makes America such a rich storehouse of historical data is the fact that it is stretched across the world almost from pole to pole ; and for many centuries the jetsam and flotsam swept on to this vast strand has made it a museum of the cultural history of the Old World, much of which would have been lost for ever if America had not saved it. But a record presei'ved in this manner is necessarily in a highly confused state. For essentially the same materials reached America in manifold fornis. The original immigrants into America brought from North- Eastern Asia such cultural equipment as had reached the area east of the Yenesei at the time when Europe was in the Neolithic phase of culture. Then when ancient mariners began to coast along the Eastern Asiatic littoral and make their way to America by the Aleutian route there was a further infiltration of new ideas. But when more venturesome sailors began to navigate the open seas and ex- ploit Polynesia, for centuries - there was a more or less constant influx of customs and beliefs, which were drawn from Egypt and Babylonia, from the MediteiTanean and East Africa, from India and Indonesia, China and Japan, Cambodia and Oceania. One and the same fundamental idea, such as the attributes of the serpent as a water-god, reached America in an infinite variety of guises, Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian, Indonesian, Chinese and Japanese, and from this amazing jumble of confusion the local priesthood of Central America built up a system of beliefs which is distinctively American, though most of the ingredients and the principles of synthetic composition were borrowed fi^om the Old World. Every possible phase of the early history of the dragon-story and all the ingredients which in the Old World went to the making ' " The Influence of Ancient Egyptian Civilization in the East and in America," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 1916, Fig. 4, "The Serpent-Bird ". - Probably from about 300 B.C. to 700 A.D. 88 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON of it have been preserved in American pictures and legends in a be- wildering variety of forms and with an amazing luxuriance of compli- cated symbolism and picturesque ingenuity. In America, as in India and Eastern Asia, the power controlling water was identified both with a serpent (which in the New World, as in the Old, was often equipped with such inappropriate and arbitrary appendages, as wings, horns and crests) and a god, who was either associated or confused Math an ele- phant. Now many of the attributes of these gods, as personifications of the life-giving powers of water, are identical with those of the Babylonian god Ea and the Egyptian Osiris, and their reputations as warriors with the respective sons and representatives, Marduk and Horus. The composite animal of Ea- Marduk, the "sea-goat" (the Capricornus of the Zodiac), was also the vehicle of Varuna in India, whose relationship to Indra was in some respects analogous to that of Ea to Marduk in Babylonia/ The Indian " sea-goat " or Makara was in fact intimately associated both with Varuna and with Indra. This monster assumed a great variety of forms, such as the crocodile, the dolphin, the sea-serpent or dragon, or combinations of the heads of different animals with a fish's body (Fig. 1 4). Amongst these we find an elephant- headed form of the makara, which was adopted as far east as Indonesia and as far west as Scotland. I have already called attention" to the part played by the makara in deteraiining the development of the form of the elephant-headed god in Ameiica. Another fonn of the 7nak.ara is described in the following American legend, which is interesting also as a mutilated version of the original dragon-story of the Old World. In 1912 Hernandez translated and published a Maya manuscript ' which had been written out in Spanish characters in the early days ^ For information concerning Ea's " Goat-Fish," which can truly be called the " Father of Dragons," as well as the prototype of the Indian makara, the mermaid, the " sea-serpent," the " dolphin of Aphrodite," and of most composite sea-monsters, see W. H. Ward's " Seal Cylinders of Western Asia," pp. 382 ct scq. and 399 et seq. ; and especially the detailed reports in de Morgan's Memoires (Delegation en Perse). ' Nature, op. cit., supra. '^ Juan Martinez Hernandez, "La Creacion del Mundo segun los Mayas," Paginas Ineditas del MS. De Chumayel, International Congress of Amej'icanists, Proceediui^s of the Xl'III. Session, London, 1912, p. 164. Fig. 14. A. The so-called " sea-goat " of Babylonia, a creature compounded of the antelope and fish of Ea. B. The " sea-goat " as the vehicle of Ea or Marduk. C to K — a series of varieties of the mal^ara from the Buddhist Rails at Buddha Gaya and Mathura, circa 70 B.C. — yO'A.D., after Cunningham ("Archaeological Survey of India," Vol. Ill, 1873, Plates IX and XXIX). L. The makara as the vehicle of Varuna, after Sir George Birdwood. It is not difficult to understand how^, in the course of the easterly diffusion of culture, such a picture should develop into the Chinese Dragon or the American Elephant-headed God. Fig. 14 DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 89 of the conquest of the Americas, but had been overlooked until six years ago. It is an account of the creation, and includes the follo^v- ing passages : " All at once came the water [? rain] after the dragon was earned away. The heaven was broken up ; it fell upon the earth ; and they say that CiDilnl-ti-kit (four gods), the four Baccab, were those who destroyed it. ... ' The whole world,' said Ak-mic-chek-nalc (he who seven times makes fruitful), 'proceeded from the seven bosoms of the earth.' And he descended to make fruitful Itzaiu-kab-aiu (the female whale with alligator-feet), when he came down from the central angle of the heavenly region (p. 171). Hernandez adds that " the old fishemien of Yucatan still call the whale Itzani. : this explains the name of Itzaes, by which the Mayas \Nere known before the founding of Mayapan ". The close analogy to the Indra-story is suggested by the phrase de- scribing the coming of the water " after the dragon was carried away ". Moreover, the Indian sea-elephant makara, which was confused in the Old World v/ith the dolphin of Aphrodite, and was sometimes also regarded as a crocodile, naturally suggests that the " female whale vsith the alligator- feet " was only an American version of the old Indian legend. All this seizes, not only to corroborate the inferences drawn hom the other sources of information which I have already indicated, but also to suggest that, in addition to borrowing the chief divinities of their pantheon from India, the Maya people's original name was derived from the same mythology.' It is of considerable interest and importance to note that in the earliest dated example of Maya workmanship (from Tuxtla, in the V era Cruz State of Mexico), for which Spinden assigns a tentative date of 235 B.C., an unmistakable elephant figures among the four hiero- glyphs which Spinden reproduces {op. cit. , p. 1 7 1 ). A similar hieroglyphic sign is found in the Chinese records of the Early Chow Dynasty (John Ross, "The Origin of the Chinese People," 1916, p. 132). The use of the numerals four and seven in the narrative translated ^ From the folk-lore of America I have collected many interesting variants of the Indra story and other legends (and artistic designs) of the elephant. I hope to publish these in the near future. 90 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON by Hernandez, as in so many other American documents, is itself, as Mrs. Zelia Nuttall has so conclusively demonstrated,' a most strik- ing and conclusive demonstration of the link with the Old World. Indra was not the only Indian god who was transferred to America, for all the associated deities, with the characteristic stories of their ex- ploits,' are also found depicted with childlike directness of incident, but amazingly luxuriant artistic phantasy, in the Maya and Aztec codices. We find scattered throughout the islands of the Pacific the familiar stories of the dragon. One mentioned by the Bishop of Wellington refers to a New Zealand dragon with jaws like a crocodile's, which spouted water like a whale. It lived in a fresh-water lake." In the same number of the idxtvt Journal Sir George Grey gives extracts from a Maori legend of the dragon, which he compares with corresponding passages from Spenser's "Faery Queen ". "Their strict verbal and poetical conformity with the New Zealand legends are such as at first to lead to the impression either that Spenser must have stolen his images and language from the Nev/ Zealand poets, or that they must have acted unfairly by the English bard " (p. 362). The Maori legend de- scribes the dragon as "in size large as a monstrous whale, in shape like a hideous Uzard ; for in its huge head, its limbs, its tail, its scales, its tough skin, its sharp spines, yes, in all these it resembled a lizard " (p. 364). Now the attributes of the Chinese and Japanese dragon as the controller of rain, thunder and lightning are identical with those of the American elephant- headed god. It also is associated with the East and with the tops of mountains. It is identified with the Indian Naga, but the conflict involved in this identification is less obtrusive than it is either in America or in India. In Dravidian India the rulers and the gods are identified with the serpent : but among the Aryans, who were hostile to the Dravidians, the rain-god is the enemy of the Naga. In America the confusion becomes more pronounced because Tlaloc (Chac) represents both Indra and his enemy the serpent. The repre- sentation in the codices of his conflict with the serpent is merely a tra- ^ Peabody Museum Papers, 1901. ^ See, for example, Wilfrid Jackson's " Shells as Evidence of the Mi- gration of Early Culture," pp. 50-66. ^ " Notes on the Maoris, etc.," Journal of the Ethnological Society, vol. i., 1869, p. 368. I DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 91 dition which the Maya and Aztec scribes followed, apparently without understanding its meaning. In China and japan the Indra-episode plays a much less prominent part, for the dragon is, like the Indian Naga, a beneficent creature, which approximates more nearly to the Babylonian Ea or the Egyptian Osiiis. It is not only the controller of water, but the impersonation of water and its life-giving powers : it is identified with the emperor, with his standard, with the sky, and with all the powers that give, maintain, and prolong life and guard against all kinds of danger to life. In other words, it is the bringer of good luck, the rejuvenator of mankind, the giver of immortalit}'. But if the physiological functions of the dragon of the Far East can thus be assimilated to those of the Indian Naga and the Babylonian and Egyptian Water God, who is also the king, anatomically he is usually represented in a form which can only be regarded as the Baby- Ionian composite monster, as a rule stripped of his wings, though not of his avian feet. In America we find preserved in the legends of the Indians an accurate and unmistakable description of the Japanese dragon (which is mainly Chinese in origin). Even Spinden, who "does not care to dignify by refutation the numerous empty theories of ethnic connections between Central America" [and in fact America as a whole] "and the Old World," makes the following statement (in the course of a discussion of the myths relating to horned snakes in California) : "a similar monster, possessing antlers, and sometimes wdngs, is also very common in Algonkin and Iroquois legends, although rare in art. As a rule the horned serpent is a water spirit and an enemy of the thunder bird. Among the Pueblo Indians the horned snake seems to have considerable prestige in religious belief. ... It lives in the water or in the sky and is connected v\dth rain or lightning." ^ Thus we find stories of a dragon equipped v^th those distinctive tokens of Chinese oiigin, the deer's antlers ; and along with it a snake with less specialized horns suggesting the Cerastes of Egypt and Baby- lonia. A horned viper distantly akin to the Cerastes of the Old World does occur in California ; but its " horns " are so insignificant as to make it highly improbable that they could have been in any way responsible for the obtrusive role played by horns in these widespread ^Op. at., p. 231. 92 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON American stories. But the proof of the foreign origin of these stories is established by the horned serpent's achievements. It "lives in the water or the sky " like its homologue in the Old World, and it is "a water spirit". Now neither the Cobra nor the Cerastes is actually a water serpent. Their achievements in the myths therefore have no possible relationship with the natural habits of the real snakes. They are purely arbitrary attributes which they have acquired as the result of a peculiar and fortuitous series of historical incidents. It is therefore utterly inconceivable and in the highest degree im- probable that this long chain of chance circumstances should have happened a second time in America, and have been responsible for the creation of the same bizarre story in reference to one of the rarer Amencan snakes of a localized distribution, whose horns are mere vestiges, which no one but a trained morphologist is likely to have noticed or recognized as such. But the American horned serpent, like its Babylonian and Indian homologues, is also the enemy of the thunder bird. Here is a further corroboration of the transmission to America of ideas which were the chance result of certain historical events in the Old World, which I have mentioned in this lecture. In the figure on page 94 I reproduce a remarkable drawing of an American dragon. If the Algonkin Indians had not preserved legends of a winged serpent equipped with deer's antlers, no value could be as- signed to this sketch : but as v/e know that this particular tribe retains the legend of just such a wonder-beast, we are justified in treating this drawing as something more than a jest. " Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. John Criley as occurring near Ava, Jackson County, Illinois. The outlines of the characters ob- served by him were drawn from memory and submitted to Mr. Charles S. Mason, of Toledo, Ohio, through whom they were furnished to the Bureau of Ethnology. Little reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of such drawing, but from the general appearance of the sketches the originals of which they are copies were probably made by one of the middle Algonquin tribes of Indians.^ ' I quote this and the following paragraphs verbatim from Garrick iMallery, " Picture Writing of the American Indians," \^th Annual Report, 3-89, Bureau of Ethnology {Smithsonian Institute), p. 78. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 93 " The ' Piasa ' rock, as it is generally designated, was referred to by the missionary explorer Marquette in 1675. Its situation was immedi- ately above the city of Alton, Illmois. " Marquette's remarks are translated by Dr. Francis Parkman as follows : — " On the flat face of a high rock were painted, in red, black, and green, a pair of monsters, each ' as large as a calf, with horns like a deer, red eyes, a beard like a tiger, and a frightful expression of countenance. The face is something like that of a man, the body covered with scales ; and the tail so long that it passes entirely round the body, over the head, and between the legs, ending like that of a fish.' " Another version, by Davidson and Struve, of the discovery of the petroglyph is as follows : — " Again they (Joliet and Marquette) were floating on the broad bosom of the unknown stream. Passing the mouth of the Illinois, they soon fell into the shadow of a tall promontory, and with great astonish- ment beheld the representation of two monsters painted on its lofty limestone front. According to Marquette, each of these frightful figures had the face of a man, the horns of a deer, the beard of a tiger, and the tail of a fish so long that it passed around the body, over the head, and between the legs. It was an object of Indian worship and greatly impressed the mind of the pious missionary with the necessity of sub- stituting for this monsti'ous idolatiy the worship of the true God." A footnote connected with the foregoing quotation gives the fol- lowing description of the same rock : — " Near the mouth of the Piasa creek, on the bluff, there is a smooth rock in a cavernous cleft, under an overhanging cliff, on whose face 50 feet from the base, are painted some ancient pictures or hieroglyphics, of great interest to the curious. They are placed in a horizontal line from east to west, representing men, plants and animals. The paint- ings, though protected from dampness and storms, are in great part de- stroyed, marred by portions of the rock becoming detached and falling dov^. " Mr. Mc Adams, of Alton, Illinois, says, " The name Piasa is Indian and signifies, in the Illini, the bird which devours men ". He furnishes a spuited pen-and-ink sketch, 1 2 by 15 inches m size and purporting to represent the ancient painting described by Marquette. 94 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON On the picture is inscribed the following in ink : " Made by Wm. Dennis, April 3rd, 1825". The date is in both letters and figures. On the top of the picture in large letters are the two words, " FLYING DRAGON ". This picture, which has been kept in the old Gilham family of Madison county and bears the evidence of its age, is repro- duced as Fig. 3. He also publishes another representation with the following remarks : — " One of the most satisfactory pictures of the Piasa we have ever seen is in an old German publication entitled ' The Valley of the Mississippi Illustrated. Eighty illustrations from Nature, by H. Lewis, fi'om the Falls of St. Anthony to the Gulf of Mexico,' published about the year 1 839 by Arenz & Co., Dusseldorf, Gennany. One of the Fig. 3.— Wm. Dennis's Drawing of ihe " Flying Dragon " Depicted on the Rocks AT Piasa, Illinois. large full-page plates in this work gives a fine view of the bluff at Alton, with the figure of the Piasa on the face of the rock. It is repre- sented to have been taken on the spot by artists from Germany. ... In the German picture there is shown just behind the rather dim outlines of the second face a ragged crevice, as though of a fracture. Part of the bluff's face might have fallen and thus nearly destroyed one of the monsters, for in later years writers speak of but one figure. The whole face of the bluff was quarried away in 1 846-47. " The close agreement of this account with that of the Chinese and Japanese dragon at once arrests attention. The anatomical peculiarities are so extraordinary that if Pere Marquette's account is trustworthy there is no longer any room for doubt of the Chinese or Japanese deriva- tion of this composite creature. If the account is not accepted we will be driven, not only to attribute to the pious seventeenth-century mission- aiy serious dishonesty or culpable gullibility, but also to credit him with DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 95 a remarkably precise knowledge of Mongolian archaeology. When Algonkin legends are recalled, however, I think we are bound to accept the missionaiy's account as substantially accurate. Minns claims that representations of the dragon are unknown in China before the Han dynasty. But the legend of the dragon is much more ancient. The evidence has been given in full by de Visser.^ He tells us that the earliest reference is found in the i ih King\ and shows that the dragon was "a water animal akin to the snake, which [used] to sleep in pools during winter and arises in the spring ". "It is the god of thunder, who brings good crops when he appears in the rice fields (as rain) or in the sky (as dark and yellow clouds), in other words when he makes the rain fertilize the giound " (p. 38). In the Shii King there is a reference to the dragon as one of the symbolic figures painted on the upper garment of the emperor Hwang Ti (who according to the Chinese legends, which of course are not above reproach, reigned in the twenty-seventh century B.C.). In this ancient literature there are numerous references to the dragon, and not merely to the legends, but also to I'epresentations of the benign monster on garments, banners and metal tablets.^ "The ancient texts . . . are short, but sufficient to give us the main conceptions of Old China with regard to the dragon. In those early days [just as at present] he was the god of water, thunder, clouds, and rain, the harbinger of blessings, and the symbol of holy men. As the emperors are the holy beings on earth, the idea of the dragon being the symbol of Imperial power is based upon this ancient conception" {pp. cit., p. 42), In the fifth appendix to the Yzh King, which has been ascribed to Confucius (i.e. three centuries earlier than the Han dynasty mentioned by Mr. Minns), it is stated that " Ivicn (Heaven) is a horse, Kzvuti (Earth) is a cow, Chen {Thunder^ is a dragon" {pp. cit., p. 37)." The philosopher Hwai Nan Tsze (who died 1 22 B.C.) declared that the dragon is the origin of all creatures, winged, haiiy, scaly, and ^ Op. cit., pp. 35 et seq. ' See de Visser, p. 41 . " There can be no doubt that the Chinese dragon is the descendant of the early Babylonian monster, and that the inspn-ation to create it probably reached Shensi during the third millennium B.C. by the route indicated in my " Incense and Libations" (Bu/t. Jolm Rylands Library, vol. iv., No. 2, p. 239). Some centuries later the Indian dragon reached the Far East via Indonesia and mingled with his Babylonian cousin in Japan and China. 96 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON mailed ; and he propounded a scheme of evolution (de Visser, p. 65). He seems to have tried to explain away the fact that he had never actually witnessed the dragon performing some of the remarkable feats attributed to it : " Mankind cannot see the dragons rise : wind and rain assist them to ascend to a great height " {pp. cit., p. 65). Con- lucius also is credited wath the frankness of a similar confession : " As to the dragon, we cannot understand his riding on the wind and clouds and his ascending to the sky. To-day 1 saw Lao Tsze ; is he not like the dragon ? " (p. 65). This does not necessarily mean that these learned men were scep- tical of the beliefs which tradition had forged in their minds, but that the dragon had the power of hiding itself in a cloak of invisibility, just as clouds (in which the Chinese saw dragons) could be dissipated in the sky. The belief in these powers of the dragon was as sincere as that of learned men of other countries in the beneficent attributes which tradition had taught them to assign to their particular deities, in the passages I have quoted the Chinese scholars were presumably attempting to bridge the gap between the ideas inculcated by faith and the evidence of their senses, in much the same sort of spirit as, for instance, actuated Dean Buckland last century, when he claimed that the glacial deposits of this country afforded evidence in confirmation oi the Deluge described in the Book of Genesis. The tiger and the dragon, the gods of wind and water, are the key- stones of the doctrine c^ie.^ fung skui, which Professor de Groot has described in detail.^ He describes it " as a quasi-scientific system, supposed to teach men where and how to build graves, temples, and dwellings, in order that the dead, the gods, and the living may be located therein exclusively, or as far as possible, under the auspicious influences of Nature ". The dragon plays a most important part in this system, being " the chief spirit of water and rain, and at the same time representing one of the four quarters of heaven (i.e. the East, called the Azure Dragon, and the first of the seasons, spring)." The word Dragon comprises the high grounds in general, and the water streams which have their sources therein or wind their way through them."^ ^ " Religious System of China," vol. iii., chap, xii., pp. 936-1056. " This paragraph is taken almost verbatim from de Visser, op. cit.^ pp. 59 and 60. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 97 The attributes thus assigned to the Blue Dragon, his control of water and streams, his dwelling on high mountains whence they spring, and his association with the East, will be seen to reveal his identity with the so-called "god B" of American archaeologists, the elephant- headed god T I aloe of the Aztecs, Ckac of the Mayas, whose more direct parent was Indra. It is of interest to note that, according to Gerini,' the word A\ioa denotes not only a snake but also an elephant. Both the Chinese dragon and the Mexican elephant-god are thus linked with the Naga, who is identified both with Indra himself and Indra's enemy Vritra. This is another instance of those remarkable contradictions that one meets at every step in pursuing the dragon. In the confusion resulting from the blending of hostile tribes and diverse cultures the Aryan deity who, both for religious and political reasons, is the enemy of the Nagas becomes himself identified with a Naga ! I have already called attention {Nature, ]diXi. 27, 1916) to the fact that the graphic form of representation of the American elephant- headed god was derived from Indonesian pictures of the niakara. In India itself the niakara (see Fig. 14) is represented in a gi'eat variety of forms, most of which are prototypes of different kinds of dragons. Hence the homology of the elephant-headed god with the other dragons is further established and shown to be genetically related to the evolution of the protean manifestations of the dragon's form. The dragon in China is " the heavenly giver of fertilizing rain " {pp. cit., p. 36). In the Shu A'm^ " the emblematic figures of the ancients are given as the sun, the moon, the stars, the mountain, the dragon, and the variegated animals (pheasants) which are depicted on the upper sacrificial garment of the Emperor " (p. 39). In the Li Ki the unicom, the phoenix, the tortoise, and the dragon are called the four ting (p. 39), which de Visser translates "spiritual beings," creatures with enormously strong vital spirit. The dragon possesses the most ling- of all creatures (p. 64). The tiger is the deadly enemy of the dragon (p. 42). The dragon sheds a brilliant light at night (p. 44), usually fiom his glittering eyes. He is the giver of omens (p. 45), good and bad, ^ G. E. Gerini, " Researches on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia," Asiatic Society's Monograptis, No. 1, 1909, p. 146. 7 98 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON rains and floods. The dragon-horse is a vital spirit of Heaven and Earth (p. 58) and also of river water : it has the tail of a huge serpent. The ecclesiastical vestments of the Wu-ist priests are endow^ed with magical properties which are considered to enable the wearer to control the order of the world, to avert unseasonable and calamitous events, such as drought, untimely and superabundant rainfall, and eclipses. These powers are conferred by the decoration upon the dress. Upon the back of the chief vestment the representation of a range of mountains is embroidered as a symbol of the world : on each side (the right and left) of it a large dragon arises above the billows to represent the fertiliz- ing rain. They are surrounded by gold-thread figures representing clouds and spirals typifying rolling thunder.^ A ball, sometimes with a spiral decoration, is commonly repre- sented in front of the Chinese dragon. The Chinese writer Koh Hung tells us that " a spiral denotes the rolling of thunder from which issues a flash of lightning ".^ De Visser discusses this question at some length and refers to Hirth's claim that the Chinese triquetrum, i.e., the well- known three-comma shaped figure, the Japanese luitsu-tonioe, the ancient spiral, represents thunder also."^ Before discussing this question, which involves the consideration of the almost world-wide belief in a thunder-weapon and its relationship to the spiral ornament, the octopus, iDe Visser, p. 102, and de Greet, vi., p. 1265, Plate XVIII. The reference te " a range ef mountains ... as a symbol ef the world " re- calls the Egyptian representation ef the eastern horizon as twe hills between which Hather or her sen arises (see Budge, "Gods of the Egyptians," vol. ii., p. 101 ; and compare Griffith's "Hieroglyphs," p. 30): the same conception was adopted in Mesopotamia (see Ward, " Seal Cylinders of Western Asia," fig. 412, p. 156) and in the Mediterranean (see Evans, " Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult," pp. 'hi et scq.). It is a remarkable fact that Sir Arthur Evans, who, upon p. 64 of his memoir, reproduces twe drawings of the Egyptian " horizon " supporting the sun's disk, should have failed to recognize in it the prototype of what he calls "the herns ef con- secration ". Even if the confusion of the " horizon " with a cow's herns was very ancient (for the herns ef the Divine Cow supporting the moon made this inevitable), this rationalization should net blind us as to the real origin of the idea, which is preserved in the ancient Egyptian, Babylonian, Cretan and Chinese pictures (see Fig. 26, facing p. 1 88). ^De Visser, p. 103. ^P. 104, The Chinese triquetrum has a circle in the centre and five or eight commas. JIK Fig. 15. ^Photograph of a Chinese Embroidery in the Manchester School of Art representing the Dragon and the Pearl-Moon Symbol DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 99 the pearl, the swastika and triskele, let us examine further the problem of the dragon's ball (see Fig. I 5). De Groot regards the dragon as a thunder-god and therefore, like Hirth, assumes that the supposed thunder-ball is being belched forth and not being sivalloweci by the dragon. But de Visser, as the result Oi a conversation with Mr. Kramp and the study of a Chinese picture in Slacker's "Chats on Oriental China" (1908, p. 54), puts forward the suggestion that the ball is the moon or the pearl-moon which the dragon is swallo^ving, thereby causing the fertilizing rain. The Chinese themselves refer to the ball as the " precious pearl," which, under the influence of Buddhism in China, was identified with "the pearl that grants all desires " and is under the special protection of the Naga, i.e., the dragon. Arising out of this de Visser puts the conundrum : " Was the ball originally also a pearl, not of Buddhism but of Taoism ? " In reply to this question I may call attention to the fact that the germs of civilization were first planted in China by people strongly im- bued with the belief that the pearl was the quintessence of life-giving and prosperity- conferring powers : ^ it was not only identified with the moon, but also was itself a particle of moon-substance which fell as dew into the gaping oyster. It was the very people who held such views about pearls and gold who, when searching for alluvial gold and fresh- water pearls in Turkestan, were responsible for transferrmg these same life-giving properties to jade ; and the magical value thus attached to jade was the nucleus, so to speak, around which the earliest civilization of China was crystallized. As we shall see, in the discussion of the thunder- weapon (p. 121 ), the luminous pearl, which was believed to have fallen h'om the sky, was homologized v^th the thunderbolt, with the functions of which its own magical properties were assimilated. Kramp called de Vissei's attention to the fact that the Chinese hieroglyphic character for the dragon's ball is compounded of the signs for jewel and niooii, which is also given in a Japanese lexicon as divine pea?'!, the pearl of the blight moon. " When the clouds approached and covered the moon, the ancient ^ See on this my paper " The Origin of Early Siberian Civilization," now being published in the Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. 100 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON Chinese may have thought that the dragons had seized and swallowed this pearl, more brilliant than all the pearls of the sea " (de Visser, p. 108). The difficulty de Visser finds in regarding his own theory as wholly satisfactory is, first, the red colour of the ball, and secondly, the spiral pattern upon it. He explains the colour as possibly an attempt to re- present the pearl's lustre. But de Visser seems to have overlooked the fact that red and rose-coloured pearls obtained from the conch- shell were used in China and Japan.^ "The spiral is much used in delineating the sacred pearls of Bud- dhism, so that it might have served also to design those of Taoism ; although I must acknowledge that the spiral of the Buddhist pearl goes upward, while the spiral of the dragon is flat " (p. 1 03). De Visser sums up the whole argument in these words : — "These are, however, all mere suppositions. The only facts we know are : the eager attitude of the dragons, ready to grasp and swallow the ball ; the ideas of the Chinese themselves as to the ball being the moon or a pearl ; the existence of a kind of sacred "moon- pearl " ; the red colour of the ball, its emitting flames and its spiral- like form. As the three last facts are in favour of the thunder theory, I should be inclined to prefer the latter. Yet I am convinced that the dragons do not belch out the thunder. If their trying to g>'cisp or swai/ow the thunder could be explained, I should immediately accept the theory concernmg the thunder-spiral, especially on account of the flames it emits. But I do not see the reason why the god of thunder should persecute thunder itself. Therefore, after having given the above facts that the reader may take them into consideration, I feel obliged to say : ' non liquet ' ' (p. 1 08). It does not seem to have occurred to the distinguished Dutch scholar, who has so lucidly put the issue before us, that his demonstra- tion of the fact of the ball being the pearl-moon about to be swallowed by the dragon does not preclude it being also confused with the thunder. Elsewhere in this volume I have referred to the origin of the spiral sym- bolism and have shown that it became associated with the pearl before it became the symbol of thunder. The pearl- association in fact was ^ Wilfrid Jackson, " Shells as Evidence of the Migrations of Early Culture," p. 106. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 101 one of the links in the chain of events which made the pearl and the spirally-coiled arm of the octopus the sign of thunder.' It seems quite clear to me that de Visser's pearl-moon theory is the true interpretation. But when the pearl-ball was provided with the spiral, painted red, and given flames to represent its power of emitting light and shining by night, the fact of the spiral ornamentation and of the pearl being one of the surrogates of the thunder-weapon was rationalized into an identification of the ball with thunder and the light it was emitting as lightning. It is, of course, quite irrational for a thunder-god to swallow his own thunder : but popular interpretations of subtle symbolism, the true explanation of which is deeply buried in the history of the distant past, are rarely logical and almost invariably irrelevant. In his account of the state of Brahmanism in India after the times of the two earlier Vedas, Professor Hopkins ' throws light upon the real significance of the ball in the dragon-symbolism. " Old legends are varied. The victory over Vritra is now expounded thus : Indra, who slays Vritra, is the sun. Vritra is the moon, who swims into the sun's mouth on the night of the new moon. The sun rises after swal- lowing him, and the moon is invisible because he is swallowed. The sun vomits out the moon, and the latter is then seen in the west, and increases again, to serve the sun as food. In another passage it is said that when the moon is invisible he is hiding in plants and waters." This seems to clear away any doubt as to the significance of the ball. It is the pearl-moon, which is both swallowed and vomited by the dragon. The snake takes a more obtrusive part in the Japanese than in the Chinese dragon and it frequently manifests itself as a god of the sea. The old Japanese sea-gods were often female water-snakes. The cultural influences which reached Japan from the south by way of Indonesia^many centuries before the coming of Buddhism — naturally emphasized the serpent form of the dragon and its connexion with the ocean. But the river-gods, or " water- fathers," were real four-footed dragons identified with the dragon-kings of Chinese myth, but at the ^ I shall discuss this more fully in " The Birth of Aphrodite ". " " Religions of India," p. 197, 102 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON same time were strictly homologous with the Naga Rajas or cobra- kings of India. The Japanese "Sea Lord" or "Sea Snake" was also called " Abundant-Pearl- Prince, ' who had a magnificent palace at the bottom of the sea. His daughter (" Abundant- Pearl- Princess") married a youth whom she observed, reflected in the well, sitting on a cassia tree near the castle gate. Ashamed at his presence at her lying-in she was changed into a want or crocodile (de Visser, p. 1 39), elsewhere described as a dragon {fjiakard). De Visser gives it as his opinion that the wani is " an old Japanese dragon, or serpent-shaped sea-god, and the legend is an ancient Japanese tale, dressed in an Indian garb by later generations " (p. 1 40). He is arguing that the Japanese dragon existed long before Japan came under Indian influence. But he ignores the fact that at a very early date both India and China were diversely influenced by Babylonia, the great breeding place of dragons ; and, secondly, that Japan was influenced by Indonesia, and through it by the West, for many centuries before the arrival of such later Indian legends as those relating to the palace under the sea, the castle gate and the cassia tree. As Aston (quoted by de Visser) remarks, all these incidents and also the well that serves as a mirror, " form a combination not unknown to European folklore". After de Visser had given his own views, he modified them (on p. 141) when he learned that essentially the same dragon-stories had been recorded in the Kei Islands and Minahassa (Celebes). In the light of this new information he h'ankly admits that "the re- semblance of several features of this myth with the Japanese one is so striking, that we may be sure that the latter is of Indonesian origin." He goes further when he recognizes that " probably the foreign in- vaders, who in prehistoric times conquered Japan, came from Indonesia, and brought the myth with them " (p. 141 ). The evidence recently brought together by W. J. Peiry in his book "The Megalithic Culture of Indonesia " makes it certain that the people of Indonesia in turn got it from the West. An old painting reproduced by F. W. K. Miiller,^ who called de Visser 's attention to these interesting stories, shows Hohodemi (the ^ " Mythe der Kei-Insulaneriund Verwandtes," Zeitsch.f. Ethnologie, vol. XXV., 1893, pp. 533 et seq. DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 103 youth on the cassia tree who mariied the princess) returning home mounted on the back of a crocodile, like the Indian Varuna upon the 7nakara in a drawing reproduced by the late Sir George Birdwood.' The warn or crocodile thus introduced from India, via Indonesia, IS really the Chmese and Japanese dragon, as Aston has claimed. Aston refers to Japanese pictures in which the Abundant- Pearl- Prince and his daughter are represented with dragon's heads appearing over their human ones, but in the old Indonesian version they maintain their forms as 7van'i or crocodiles. The dragon's head appearing over a human one is quite an Indian motive, transferred to China and from there to Korea and Japan (de Visser, p. 1 42), and, I may add, also to America. [Since the foregoing paragraphs have been printed, the Curator of the Liverpool Museum has kindly called ray attention to a remarkable series of Maya remains in the collection under his care, which were obtained in the course of excavations made by Mr. T. W. F. Gann, M.R.C.S., an officer in the Medical Semce of British Honduras (see his account of the excavations in Part II. of t'he 19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution of Washington). Among them is a pottery figure of a wa7ii or niakara in the form of an alligator, equipped with diminutive deer's horns (like the dragon of Eastern Asia) ; and its skin is studded with circular elevations, pre- sumably meant to represent the spots upon the star-spangled " Celestial Stag" of the Aryans (p. 130). As in the Japanese pictures men- tioned by Aston, a human head is seen emerging from the creature's throat. It affords a most definite and convincing demonstration of the sources of American culture.] The jewels of flood and ebb in the Japanese legends consist of the pearls of flood and ebb obtained from the dragon's palace at the bottom of the sea. By their aid storms and floods could be created to destroy enemies or calm to secure safety for friends. Such stories are the logical result of the identification of pearls with the moon, the influence of which upon the tides was probably one of the circumstances which was re- sponsible for bringing the moon into the circle of the great scientific theory of the life-giving powers of water. This in turn played a great, if not decisive, part in originating the earliest belief in a sky world, or heaven. ' See Fig. 1 4. 104 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON The Evolution of the Dragon. The American and Indonesian dragons can be referred back primarily to India, the Chinese and Japanese varieties to India and Babylonia. The dragons of Europe can be traced through Greek channels to the same ultimate source. But the cruder dragons of Africa are derived either from Egypt, from the /Egean, or from India. All dragons that strictly conform to the conventional idea of what such a wonder-beast should be can be shown to be sprung from the fertile imagination of ancient Sumer, the "great breeding place of monsters" (Minns). But the history of the dragon's evolution and transmission to other countries is full of complexities ; and the dragon-myth is made up oi many episodes, some of which were not derived from Babylonia. In Egypt we do not find the characteristic dragon and dragon- story. Yet all of the ingredients out of which both the monster and the legends are compounded have been preserved in Egypt, and in perhaps a more primitive and less altered form than elsewhere. Hence, if Egypt does not provide dragons for us to dissect, it does supply us with the evidence without which the dragon's evolution would be quite unintelligible. Egyptian literature ai^ords a clearer insight into the development of the Great Mother, the Water God, and the Warrior Sun God than we can obtain from any other writings of the origin of this fundamental stratum of deities. And in the three legends : The Destruction of Mankind, The Story of the Winged Disk, and The Conflict between Horus and Set, it has preserved the germs of the great Dragon Saga. Babylonian literature has shown us how this raw material was worked up into the definite and famiHar story, as well as how the features of a variety of animals were blended to form the composite monster. India and Greece, as well as more distant parts of Africa, Europe, and Asia, and even America have presei^ed many details that have been lost in the real home of the monster. In the earliest literature that has come down to us from antiquity a clear account is given of the original attributes of Osiris. " Horus comes, he recognizes his father in thee [Osiris], youthful in thy name of ' Fresh Water '." " Thou art indeed the Nile, great on the fields at the beginning of the seasons ; gods and men live by the moisture that is DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 105 in thee." He is also identified with the inundation of the river. " It is Unis [the dead king identified with Osiris] who inundates the land." He also brings the wind and guides it. It is the breath of life which raises the king horn the dead as an Osiris. The wine-press god comes to Osiris bearing wine-juice and the great god becomes " Lord of the overflowing wine " : he is also identified with barley and with the beer made from it. Certain trees also are personifications of the god. But Osiris was regarded not only as the waters upon earth, the rivers and streams, the moisture in the soil and in the bodies of animals and plants, but also as "the waters of Hfe that are in the sky". " As Osiris was identified with the waters of earth and sky, he may even become the sea and the ocean itself. We find him addressed thus : ' Thou art great, thou art green, in thy name of Great Green (Sea) ; lo, thou art round as the Great Circle (Okeanos) ; lo, thou art turned about, thou art round as the circle that encircles the Haunebu (/Egeans)." This series of interesting extracts from Professor Breasted's " Re- ligion and Thought in Ancient Egypt " (pp. 1 8-26) gives the earliest Egyptians' own ideas of the attributes of Osiris. The Babylonians re- garded Ea in almost precisely the same light and endowed him with identical powers. But there is an important and significant difference between Osiris and Ea. The former was usually represented as a man, that is, as a dead king, whereas Ea Avas represented as a man wearing a fish-skin, as a fish, or as the composite monster with a fish's body and tail, which was the prototype of the Indian iiiakara and "the father of dragons ". In attempting to understand the creation of the dragon it is im- portant to remember that, although Osiris and Ea were regarded primarily as personifications of the beneficent life-giving powers of water, as the bringers of fertility to the soil and the givers of life and im- mortality to living creatures, they were also identified with the destructive forces of water, by which men were drowned or their welfare affected in various ways by storms of sea and wind. Thus Osiris or the fish-god Ea could destroy mankind. In other words the fish-dragon, or the composite monster fomied of a fish and an antelope, could represent the destructive forces of wind and water. Thus even the malignant dragon can be the homologue of the usually 106 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON beneficent gods Osiris and Ea, and their Aryan sunogates Mazdah and Varuna. By a somewhat analogous process of archaic rationalization the sons respectively of Osiris and Ea, the sun-gods Horus and Marduk, acquired a similarly confused reputation. Although their outstanding achievements were the overcoming of the powers of evil, and, as the givers of light, conquering darkness, their character as warriors made them also powers of destruction. The falcon of Horus thus became also a symbol of chaos, and as the thunder-bird became the most ob- trusive feature in the weird anatomy of the composite Mesopotamian dragon and his more modern bird-footed brood, which ranges from Western Europe to the Far East of Asia and America. That the sun-god derived his functions directly or indirectly fi'om. Osiris and Hathor is shown by his most primitive attributes, for in " the earliest sun-temples at Abusir, he appears as the source of life and increase". "Men said of him: 'Thou hast driven away the storm, and hast expelled the rain, and hast broken up the clouds '.' Horus Wcis in fact the son of Osiris and Hathor, from whom he de- rived his attributes. The invention of the sun-god was not, as most scholars pretend, an attempt to give direct expression to the fact that the sun is the source of fertility. That is a discovery of modern science. The sun-god acquired his attributes secondarily (and for definite historical reasons) from his parents, who were responsible for his birth. The quotation from the Pyramid Texts is of special interest as an illustration of one of the results of the assimilation of the idea of Osiris as the controller of water with that of a sky-heaven and a sun-god. The sun-god's powers are rationalized so as to bring them into con- formity with the earliest conception of a god as a power controlling water. Breasted attempts to interpret the statements concerning the storm and rain-clouds as references to the enemies of the sun, who steal the sk)'- god's eye, i.e., obscure the sun or moon. The incident of Horus's loss of an eye, which looms so large in Eg)'ptian legends, is possibly more closely related to the earliest attempts at explaining eclipses of the sun and moon, the " eyes " of the sky. The obscuring of the sun and moon by clouds is a matter of little significance to the Egyptian : but the modern Egyptian fellah, and no doubt his predecessors also, ^ Breasted, op. cit. , p. II, DRAGONS AND RAIN GODS 107 regard eclipses with much concern. Such events excite great alarm, for the peasants consider them as actual combats between the powers of good and evil. In other countries where rain is a blessing and not, as in Egypt, merely an unwelcome mconvenience, the clouds play a much more prominent part in the popular beliefs. In the Rig- Veda the power that holds up the clouds is evil : as an elaboration of the ancient Egyptian conception of the sky as a Divine Cow, the Great Mother, the Aiyan Indians regarded the clouds as a herd of cattle which the Vedic warrior-god Indra (who in this respect is the homologue of the Egyptian wanior Horus) stole from the powers of evil and bestowed upon mankind. In other words, like Horus, he broke up the clouds and brought rain. The antithesis between the two aspects of the character of these ancient deities is most pronounced in the case of the other member of this most primitive Trinity, the Great Mother. She was the great beneficent giver of life, but also the controller of life, which implies that she was the death-dealer. But this evil aspect of her character developed only under the stress of a peculiar dilemma in which she was placed. On a famous occasion in the very remote past the great Giver of Life was summoned to rejuvenate the ageing king. The only elixir of life that was known to the pharmacopoeia of the times was human blood : but to obtain this life-blood the Giver of Life was com- pelled to slaughter mankind. She thus became the destroyer of man- kind in her lioness avatar as Sekhet. The earliest known pictorial representation of the dragon (Fig, 1) consists of the forepart of the sun-god's falcon or eagle united with the hindpart of the mother- goddess's lioness. The student of modern heraldry would not regard this as a dragon at all, but merely a gryphon or griffin. A recent writer on heraldry has complained that, *' in spite of frequent connections, this creature is persistently confused in the popular mind wath the dragon, which is even more purely imaginary ".' But the investigator of the early history of these wonder-beasts is com- pelled, even at the risk of incuning the herald's censure, to regard the gryphon as one of the earliest known tentative efforts at dragon-making. But though the fish, the falcon or eagle, and the composite eagle-lion ' G. W. Eve. " Decorative Heraldry," 1897, p. 35. 108 THE EVOLUTION OF THE DRAGON monster are early known pictorial representations Oi the dragon, good or bad, the serpent is probably more ancient still (Fig. 2). ^' The earliest form assum.ed by the power of evil was the serpent : but it is important to remember that, as each of the primary deities can J c